Agricola and the Conquest of the North

The Return of Agricola
Our knowledge of the fortification and conquest of North Britain in the Flavian period is largely derived from the account of the Roman historian Publius Cornelius Tacitus (AD c.56-120). More commonly known simply as ‘Tacitus’ he wrote two major historical works, ‘Annals’ and ‘The Histories’ for which he is widely regarded by modern scholars as one of the greatest Roman historians. His other works include ‘Germania’ and a biography of his father-in-law Gnaeus Julius Agricola, ‘De vita et moribus Iulii Agricolae’ known as ‘The Agricola’ an account of the governor of Britain from AD 77-84, which has been largely accepted for many years as the historical narrative for the Roman conquest of Scotland. The Agricola has been described as a eulogy for his deceased father-in-law which made Agricola the best known of all governors of Britain and elevated him to the Flavian dynasty’s greatest military leader. However, Tacitus’s Agricola is generally accepted as a narrative history for the Roman conquest of North Britain.

Flavian Sites in Scotland (copyright David Breeze)

Agricola served in Britain on three occasions, as military tribune during the Boudiccan revolt, Legionary legate of Legio XX, and finally governor, the only senator to do have served all three ranks in the same province. Tacitus is our only near-contemporary source for this period of British history that presents Agricola during his term of office as provincial governor leading the 1st-century conquest of ‘Calendonia’, the term the Romans used for the region beyond the Solway-Tyne isthmus, modern Scotland. Such was Tacitus’s admiration of his father-in-law that he is often accused of bias by historians, as we have seen above, Tactitus is not-so-complimentary on Agricola's predecessors particularly Bolanus and provides just a single sentence on the governorship of Frontinus.

Following his recall from Britain as commander of Legio XX in AD 74 Agricola was sent to govern Aquitania. Two years later he was back in Rome and elected suffect consul. In AD 77 the historian Tactitus married Agricola’s daughter. Agricola was then appointed Governor of Britain by emperor Vespasian. The previous governor of Britain Frontinus (AD 73/74-77) had been recalled by Rome in AD 77 and by the summer of that year Agricola had been appointed governor of Britain. The date of Agricola’s appointment is a matter of debate between scholars, some favouring AD 78, but most now follow the chronology proposed by the late Anthony Birley that his tenure was AD 77-84, an unprecedented seven years in office as Governor of Britain. 

Agricola fought seven campaigns in Britain, the first in Wales and then the following year against the Brigantes in northern England. As governor of Britain it would seem that Agricola was briefed by the emperor to complete the conquest of the whole island, subsequently, his next five campaigns were conducted in the far north of the Province as the Romans intended to conquer Scotland.

AD 77 First Campaign: North Wales
His first mission was to subjugate the Ordovices and complete the conquest of North Wales and Mona (Anglesey). Immediately prior to his arrival the Ordovices were still active against Rome having massacred a cavalry unit in North Wales in AD 77. Accordingly, Agricola’s first task was to deal with the last troublesome tribe in Wales, by the winter of that year he had established a series of forts in North Wales. The Ordovices were pursued as they fled to Mona where the last vestiges of resistance held out. According to Tactitus [The Agricola, 18] he was ruthless in dealing with them; “The result of the action was almost the total extirpation of the Ordovices”.

Agricola reorganised the British legions in preparation for his planned conquest of the Caledonian tribes in Scotland. Legio II Adiutrix were moved from Lincoln to Chester at the mouth of the River Dee on the northern Welsh border, to construct a legionary fortress with harbour. No doubt their expertise in amphibious operations would be a crucial factor in their deployment at Chester in support of the northern campaign. 

AD 78 Second Campaign: Northern England
The summer of AD 78 was spent in preparation for the northern campaigns. Agricola assembled his army for the conquest of the north Britain, comprising Legio IX with vexillations from Legio XX, Legio II Augusta and Legio II Adiutrix supplemented with a large number of auxiliaries. It would appear that during this year Agricola concentrated on consolidating the Roman hold over the territory largely occupied by the Brigantians, constructing forts and roads up to the Solway – Tyne line.

Tacitus tells us that Agricola “marked out the encampments, and explored in person the estuaries and forests. At the same time he perpetually harassed the enemy by sudden incursions until they lay aside their animosity, and to deliver hostages. These districts were surrounded with castles and forts, disposed with so much attention and judgment, that no part of Britain, hitherto new to the Roman arms, escaped unmolested”. [The Agricola, 20]

He then set about ‘Romanising’ these tribes by encouraging the natives to erect temples, courts of justice, and dwelling-houses, rewarding those that complied with his intentions.[The Agricola, 21] 

Reconciling the account of Tacitus with archaeology he is credited by historians in the construction of temporary marching camps, forts and roads in northern England in preparation for movement into southern Scotland. He extending Dere Street and establishing the Stanegate road from Carlisle to the fort at Beaufront Red House, effectively the northern border, running east-west on the line of the Solway Firth – Tyne isthmus. Vexillation sized forts were established along this line, such as Chesterholm (Vindolanada), roughly a day’s march apart. Hadrian’s Wall would later be built along this line but slightly north of the Stanegate.

Dere Street would eventually be extended to the Forth. Many Flavian forts were sited to guard river crossings such as Piercebridge on the Tees, Binchester (Vinovia) on the Wear, Ebchester (Vindomara) guarding the crossing on the Derwent in County Durham. The Beaufront Red House (Sandhoe) fort was constructed at the point were Dere Street crossed the Stanegate, and would become the main support base of Agricola’s campaigns as he ventured further north between during his tenure as governor. 

The earlier fort at Beaufront Red House was replaced sometime after AD 85 with the establishment of the Roman station at Corbridge (Coira) 0.5 mile away. Coria would later become the legionary base for Legio XX and Legio VI Victrix in supporting the Hadrian’s Wall garrison. The fort at Coira was completely levelled around AD 163 after the Roman withdrawal from the Antonine Wall and fall back to Hadrian’s Wall, converting the site into a market town and administrative centre for the northern frontier, the most northerly town in the Roman world.

AD 79 Third Campaign: Southern Scotland to the Tay
The Agricola 22 states that the military expeditions of the third year discovered nations new to the Romans, being the occupants of the land north of the Stanegate. Accepting that Cerialis ventured as far as Carlisle and no further north, although there is some debate to how far he actually reached which we will come to later, it is generally accepted that Agricola’s third campaign was the subjugation of the tribes of south-east Scotland. According to Tacitus the Romans met little resistance from the Votadini with Agricola making a lightning advance as far as the estuary of the Tay.  

In the spring of AD 79 Agricola continued the march north, ravaging as far as the ‘Taus’, usually interpreted at the estuary of the river Tay. Tacitus writes that the northern tribes failed to confront the Romans which allowed the legions to erect fortresses. Tacitus adds, “no general had ever shown greater skill in the choice of advantageous situations than Agricola; for not one of his fortified posts was either taken by storm, or surrendered by capitulation”. [The Agricola, 22] 

In addition to fortifying the Southern Uplands, historians have interpreted chapter 22 of ‘The Agricola’ as including the construction of the Gask Ridge, a fortified road with eighteen known watchtowers running from the fort at Ardoch to Bertha at the Tay.

The Gask Line

This ridge is about 70m above sea level in the Midland Valley (Central Lowlands) between the Highland massif and the Southern Uplands. The ridge forms part of a natural corridor dividing the Highland Line from Fife leading northwards to the coastal strip of rich agricultural land skirting around the Highlands extending to the Moray Firth. The ridge provides clear views north to the Highlands and south over the hollow of Strathearn in the Earn Valley and the Firth of Forth. Near to the River Earn lay the Roman Camp at Strageath, one of a series used by the Romans to consolidate their newly gained territory. Historians attempt to trace the progress of the Roman invasion of Scotland by the many temporary marching camps and fortifications constructed as the army moved north, numbering over several hundred in total with some better known than others, such as Ardoch, Stracathro, Battledykes, Raedykes and Normandykes. 

But the evidence is far from straightforward, many sites are known only from cropmarks detected by aerial survey, dating evidence from the few excavations has been extremely limited and many sites have been re-used and built over by later Roman invasions of Scotland, such as the Antonine and Severan interventions.  The comment by Tacitus that ‘not one of the fortified posts were ever taken by storm’ is supported by the archaeology, from excavations to date, which shows the forts were abandoned by the Romans, some dismantled, with no evidence of hostile attack.

Furthermore, historians fail to agree on the function of the Gask line; is it simply a fortified supply line, an invasion corridor leading to Moray, constructed to monitor Fife, or the first northern frontier constructed by the Romans. We will return to this issue later, however it is a massive understatement to say that tracing the various Roman campaigns in Scotland is challenging at best.

Around this time the construction of a series of elite buildings were commenced within the legionary fortress at Chester by Legio II Adiutrix. Two lead water pipes found at Chester, one inscribed to Vespasian and the other to Agricola, have been dated to AD 79, which confirms the construction of the later legionary fortress commenced in the decade AD 70-80, during the early Flavian period. One lead pipe is supposed to have connected to a water feature at the centre of a elliptical building, unique in the Roman world and usually seen as indicating that Agricola intended Chester, the largest legionary fortress in Britain, to be the new capital of the province and a base for an invasion of Ireland. The fortress at the mouth of the Dee was ideally located to be the capital of an expanded British province including Scotland and Ireland; perhaps this was Vespasian’s grand plan for Roman Britain that Agricola was putting into effect. But on 24 June AD 79 Vespasian died after a long illness and his eldest son Titus became emperor and the campaign in the north, while seeming to stall while Agricola consolidated his new gained grounds, would continue the following year. However, the concept of an invasion of Ireland died with Vespasian.

AD 80 Fourth Campaign: Consolidating Southern Scotland
Tacitus tells us that on Agricolas second year in Scotland the Roman army, having the Tay the previous year, paused its northward advance and spent the next summer securing the country which had been ‘overrun’. Having secured the south eastern lands of the Votadini Agricola must have encountered the Selgovae in the hills of Central Southern Scotland. Marching camps along the Tweed and Lyne valleys shows the Romans progress into the heartland of the Selgovae. To the north of this Agricola came upon the Dumnonii territory where he established forts across the narrow neck of land between the estuaries of Clota and Bodotria (Clyde and Forth). This natural line of defence across the narrowest landmass of the mainland, about 35 miles, would be re-used by the builders of the Antonine Wall some sixty years later. Tacitus adds that all the territory on the southern side of this line was held in subjection while the remaining hostile tribes were pushed beyond it “as it were, into another island”. [The Agricola, 23]

AD 81 Fifth Campaign: Galloway and Dumfries
In his fifth year as governor Agricola conquered the Novantae in what is now Galloway and Carrick, in south-westernmost Scotland, opposite Ireland (Hibernia) which he considered invading. Tacitus gives an outline of Ireland and why it would be advantageous to the Romans to possess the island adding that Agricola had received into his protection one of the Irish petty kings who had been expelled suggesting that the man could be useful tot he Romans should they decide to invade the island across the Gallic Sea. Tacitus claims that he heard Agricola mention on more than one occasion that he could take Ireland with a single legion and a few auxiliaries. [The Agricola 24]

On 14 September Titus died and his younger brother Domitian became emperor, the last of the Flavian dynasty.

AD 82 Sixth Season: Angus and Aberdeenshire
In the summer of the sixth season Agricola explored the eastern seaboard beyond Bodotria (The Firth of Forth) possibly named after the Proto-Celtic *vo-rit-ia meaninhg 'slow running'. The new emperor Domitian recalled vexillations from Britain’s legions for the war in Germania, however Agricola’s campaign continued as he advanced to confront the Caledonians. By the summer he was campaigning in Angus and Aberdeenshire by land and sea. There are reports of attacks by the Caledonii on Roman forts. Agricola receives reports of a Caledonian three-pronged advance who carry out a night attack on the camp of Legio IX Hispana, probably at Dalginross. Agricola responded in a timely manner and came to the aid of the embattled legion.

By the autumn Agricola had created a defensive line comprising of a series of forts blocking the glens to control movements of the northern tribes. It is thought that around this time construction started on the legionary fortress at Inchtuthil probably by Legio XX. [The Agricola, 25-27]

Tacitus records the campaign year ended with the ‘flight and debacle’ of “a cohort of Usipii, which had been levied in Germany and sent over into Britain, performed an extremely daring and memorable action.” The Usipii killed a centurion then set sail in three vessels, driven by the waves, they sailed around the island of Britain but lost their ships. They were treated as pirates, intercepted first by the Suevi then by the Frisii, and sold as slaves. [The Agricola , 28]

This is often interpreted as the Usipii sailed around the whole of the island of Britain but the later Roman historian Cassius Dio (AD 165-235), probably following Tacitus, also records the extraordinary expedition of the Usipii. According to Dio, the Usipii set out from the western side of the island, sailed through the difficult waters of northern Scotland and came around to the eastern side. They were then driven to the Baltic Sea where they lost their ships and attempting to reach their homeland were captured by the Suevii and then the Frisii.

AD 83 Seventh Season: Mons Graupius
The following summer Agricola received the devastating news of the loss of his son. Tacitus writes that “war was one of the remedies of his grief”.

The Caledonii persisted in hit and run tactics, favouring guerilla warfare rather than face the legions in the field where they knew they would almost certainly be defeated by the better armed and well disciplined Roman war machine. Agricola knew that to defeat them he would need to pull the Caledonii into the open field of battle. In summer of AD 83 he ordered the lands to the Moray Firth to be ravished while the Roman navy harassed the coast. The Romans finally drew the Caledonians to battle at a place called Mons Graupius, the battle site still lacking positive identification to date. Tacitus records some 10,000 Caledonians were killed, a generation of fighting men wiped out that would bring stability to the area for the next twenty years. While The Romans only experienced 360 casualties without the need to engage the Legions, the battle was won by auxiliaries alone.

Agricola then instructed his fleet to sail around the north coast to confirm that Britain was an island. This is claimed to be the first circumnavigation of Britain.

AD 84: Withdrawal and Recall
Tacitus wrote that having now conquered all of the island of Britain Agricola was recalled by Domitian in the spring of AD 84, ending an unusually long tenure as governor of Britain. The change in Provincial Governor would see a dramatic turn in events and the surrender of all the lands won by seven years campaigning by Agricola. Tacitus writes: "Britain was completely conquered and immediately let go". [Histories]

Domitian’s main concern was unrest on the Danube and he needed all available resources to control the restless Dacian tribes. Clearly the Roman occupation of North Britain was not the emperor’s priority. With the loss of Agricola and the appointment of a new (un-named governor) the Romans started to withdraw from Scotland, the uncompleted fortress at Inchtuthil was abandoned and demolished. Legio II Adiutrix was withdrawn from Britain as the emperor Domitian decided he could not afford four legions in Britain and needed to reinforce forces on the lower Danube. Legio XX were moved from Inchtuthil to Chester which would now be its permanent base, but work on the 'Elliptical building' and other prestigious building at the centre of the fortress, planned to be Agricola’s new capital of an expanded province that included Ireland and Scotland, all stopped and failed to extend beyond the foundations.

Tactitus is quite hostile in his reaction to Domitian’s surrender of Scotland and accuses the emperor of jealousy of Agricola’s success, eclipsing the emperor’s own 

Agricola died on 23 August AD 93 at his family estates in Gallia Narbonensis aged 53. Rumours circulated that Domitian was responsible for his death by administering poison but no evidence has been produced to confirm this. Writing some years later Cassius Dio was rather more forthright and directly accused Domitian of Agricola’s murder “because his deeds were too great for a mere general”.

Domitian died AD 96 and Tacitus’s eulogy to his father-in-law was written within two years.

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