The Fate of the Twentieth Legion - Part I

From Invasion to Rebellion
In the 19th century a large number of Roman tombstones were discovered in the infill of the north wall of Chester City Walls. Initially thought to have simply been re-used as building materials as was the Roman way, it has since been noted that many of the tombstones had been badly mutilated and defaced with references to Legio XX obliterated. This legion was part of the Roman invasion force of Britain in AD 43 and fought in the Iceni Revolt of AD 60-61 and later permanently based at the legionary fortress at Chester (Deva).

The origins of the legion’s name ‘Valeria Victrix’ ("Valiant and Victorious") are uncertain and the subject of much debate; the title is generally thought to have been bestowed on Legio XX following the Iceni Revolt led by their queen Boudicca.

As the ruthless Romans war machine moved through Britain conquering all before it Legio XX transferred to Kingsholm, Usk and then Wroxeter, before campaigning in the north. The legion then formed the Chester garrison where they remained until Legio XX disappears from the historical record in the late 3rd-early 4th centuries. 

Some historians argue that Legio XX was still stationed in Britain when Magnus Maximus withdrew the bulk of the British garrison in pursuit of his imperial ambitions in AD 383. Numismatic evidence certainly suggests the fortress at Chester was occupied at this time but what this occupation was has been the subject of much debate. 

The legions were restructured around this time resulting in a much reduced Chester garrison. Yet the last days of Legio XX is somewhat of a mystery; the legion disappears from the historical and archaeological record at the end of the 3rd century. Legio XX is notably absent from the Notitia Dignitatum, a document containing a list of military and civilian commands in both eastern and western parts of the Roman empire from the late-4th to early-5th century.

Further, we have seen how a large number of the Legio XX tombstones from the Roman cemetery at Chester have been broken up and recycled into the north wall during repairs to the defences of the fortress. But these tombstones were not just re-used as convenient building materials: many of the inscriptions referencing Legio XX have been obliterated if not snapped off resulting in the loss of the inscription; many faces defaced beyond recognition and legionary emblems chiseled out. 

Rather than using the nearest available tombstones as building material for hurried repairs to the north wall this deliberate mutilation of the funerary monuments dedicated to Legio XX must have taken effort and time. As the tombstones were used as infill for the north wall, hidden behind the facing stones, why was necessary to go to such effort to deface the stones? It appears the memory of Legio XX was purposefully removed at Chester. 

This destructive treatment of the tombstones of Legio XX immediately brings to mind the Roman practice of ‘Damnatio memoriae’ (condemnation of memory), the erasure of the subject from the historical record including the destruction of depictions and the removal of names from inscriptions and documents. Without an inscription a memorial stone is meaningless. The practice was usually exercised for usurping emperors or failed conspirators. 

The treatment of the legion’s tombstones at Chester suggest the legion fell from grace at a late point in its history; what could cause a once illustrious legion to become denigrated overnight?

Foundations
When and where Legio XX was founded is not known for certain yet the legion is first recorded during the reign of Augustus, also known as 'Octavian'. Gaius Octavius officially became known as Augustus in 27 BC when he was granted the title marking the beginning of his reign as the first Roman emperor and founder of the Roman Empire. Thereafter ‘Augustus’ was used as a title for all subsequent emperors.

Symbolized by the emblem of a boar, Legio XX is thought to have been established around 31 BC when the legion is recorded as fighting at the battle of Actium when Octavian defeated Mark Antony. Legio XX fought for Antony at the battle but following their defeat his troops, including Legio XX, deserted and joined Octavian's army. At the time there were two legions named "XX" which were were brought together as one unit by Octavian after Actium. 

Legio XX then played a significant part in the Cantabrian Wars from 25-19 BC, the Roman conquest of Hispania. The legion was then stationed in Illyricum from AD 6 during the Great Illyrian Revolt (Bellum Batoninum) and was relocated to Germania Inferior following the massacre of three Roman legions under the command of Publius Quinctilius Varus in the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9. 

Legio XX was then moved from its fortress at Novaesium (Neuss) in Germania to northern Gaul where the legions were mustering in anticipation of Caligula’s planned invasion of Britain in AD 40. The biographer Suetonius tells us that the invasion was aborted and it became known that the emperor intended to discipline Legio XX for their mutiny against his father Germanicus. Suetonius claims Caligula intended to decimate the legion, that is execute every tenth man. Caligula apparently abandoned the idea when the legionaries became aware and started to arm themselves. 

Legio XX went on to play a key role in the Claudian invasion force of Britain in AD 43. Thereafter, the legion remained in the country for most of the Roman occupation which officially ended in AD 410 when Honorius, Emperor in the West, officially acknowledged that the Britons were no longer under imperial protection and should take to their own defences.

Four legions and some 20,000 auxilaries are said to have taken part in the Roman invasion of Britain under the command of Aulus Plautius, but only Vespasian’s Legio II Augusta is directly mentioned in contemporary sources. However, the four legions that made up the invasion force are generally accepted as the same four legions mentioned during the later Boudiccan revolt of AD 60-61: II Augusta, IX Hispana, XIV Gemina and XX. 

Richborough in Kent is the favoured landing site of the Romans. The invasion force rapidly moved through the south-eastern corner of Britain. Then the Romans crossed the Thames and headed north to the territory of the Trinovantes who inhabited an area roughly encompassing modern Essex and southern Suffolk. They were bordered to the west by the Catuvellauni and in the north by the Iceni.

Dio tells us that the emperor Claudius joined the legions at the Thames and led them across the river where they defeated the Britons who had gathered there. Claudius then took Camulodunum (‘fortress of the war god Camulos’) the tribal capital of the Trinovantes, where he received the submission of 11 British Kings. Claudius declared the foundation of the province of Britannia, establishing Camulodunum (Colchester) as its capital with Plautius appointed as first governor. 

The Roman’s now consolidated their foothold in Britain. Vespasian would lead the south-westward campaign with Legio II Augusta, Legio XIV Gemina were moved to Leicester while Plautius would take Legio IX Hispana to Longthorpe and Newton on Trent. 

Legio XX remained at the newly founded Roman Colchester and constructed a legionary fortress next to the oppidum of the Trinovantes, the first permanent legionary fortress to be built in Britain. In one of the ditches of the fortress at Colchester six human skulls were found, all displaying signs of a violent end. These are the remains of members of Trinovantes who had been beheaded by soldiers of Legio XX. Whether they were part of a minor uprising against the Romans is unclear, their heads were likely impaled on stakes outside the fortress as a warning to others, in a similar manner to the Dacian heads shown on Trajan’s Column. 

Trajan's column

An inscription on the tombstone of Marcus Favonius Facilis, a centurion from the unit (RIB 200), attests the presence of Legio XX at Colchester. The absence of wording typical of later funerary inscriptions and the absence of the legion’s cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ suggests that the tombstone was erected in the first half of the 1st century, before Legio XX suppressed the Boudiccan Revolt of AD 60-61, a victory said to have led to the legion being awarded the honorific title.

Breakout
Plautius and Vespasian returned to Rome in AD 47. Plautius was replaced as governor by Publius Ostorius Scapula who was intent on expanding the territory of the Province further west and north. Following initial success defeating the Iceni, the following year Ostorius turned his attention to the  Deceangli in north Wales and campaigned against the Brigantes in the north. 

The legions had pushed out from the territory gained in the initial years of the invasion, establishing a series of vexilliation forts along a line roughly from Exeter to Lincoln, which would later be used as logistics bases in the next phase of conquest. The western limit of Roman conquest became known as the ‘Fosse Way Frontier’, following the line of the later Roman road running across the country from the south-west to the north-east. 

The Fosse Way

During AD 48-49 Ostorius moved Legio II Augusta to Dorchester and Legio XX from Colchester to a new vexillation-sized fort at Kingsholm near Gloucester. We lack firm evidence for the movement of Legio XX after it left Colchester yet epigraphic evidence indicates a presence at Kingsholm, but we cannot be certain of the size of the unit based there. 

This fort would typically accommodate around half-a-legion plus axillaries, between 2,500 – 4,000 men. The remainder of Legio XX were, presumably, left behind at Colchester and formed a colony of veterans, making Camulodunum the first Roman colonia in Britain officially named Colonia Claudia Victricensis. The majority of the colony's citizens would have come from Legio XX who had completed their service but were also complimented with retired soldiers from other British legions. 

The Romans were now pushing westward beyond the Fosse Way Frontier with Legio XX engaged with the Silures in southern Wales and Legio XIV Gemina positioned in the Welsh Marches to confront the Ordovices. Following the refusal of the Silures to surrender Ostorius was determined to completely wipe them out, as was the Roman way with tribes they could not pacify. The conflict rumbled on until the death of Ostorius in AD 52.

We find epigraphic evidence for Legio XX at Kingsholm, again in the form of a tombstone. A funerary inscription for Lucius Octavius Martialis (RIB 3073), fragmented into two large pieces and many minor fragments, unusually lacks the years of service and age at death and as we saw at Colchester (RIB 200) the legion’s cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ is again absent.  

Between the death of Ostorius and the arrival of his replacement, Tacitus tells us that the legion under the command of Manilus Valens had been defeated by the Silures. The only legion engaged with the Silures at this time was Legio XX.

Aulus Didius Gallus, a member of the Roman Senate, was sent to Britain to replace Ostorius as governor of Britain (AD 52-57). His brief to expand Roman territory, accordingly he moved Legio IX Hispana to Lincoln, Legio II Augusta to Exeter and relocated Legio XX to Usk (Burrium) in south-east Wales and Legio XIV Gemina to Wroxeter (Viroconium Cornoviorum) to continue the campaign against the Silures and Ordovices respectively. Archaeological excavations have confirmed that construction of the Roman fort at Usk (Burrium) commenced around AD 50. It is uncertain if Legio XX originally built the fort yet by AD 57 the legion occupied the fort which proved to be a key site in the conquest of the Silures of south Wales. 

Didius is accused of being rather inactive during his tenure, with the ongoing conquest of the troublesome Britons becoming a frustration to Rome. Didius may have been following instructions from Claudius who began to doubt whether further conquest in the difficult terrain in Wales and the North was worth the risk. In AD 54 when Claudius died, Nero, the new emperor is said to have considered abandoning the province of Britannia entirely. Didius returned to Rome after five years as governor of the Province to be replaced by Quintus Veranius Nepos in AD 57. The new governor immediately reversed Didius’s policy of maintaining existing territory and resumed military operations against the Silures.

Veranius’s tenure was short, he died later that year, and was replaced as Governor by Gaius Seutonius Paulinus in AD 58. Paulinus continued the campaign against the Silures with relatively quick results. He then turned his attention to what he considered to be at the heart of the Briton’s resistance to Rome; Mona (Anglesey) the island home of the Druids, the leaders of Celtic religion. 

Boudicca and the Druids
In AD 60 Paulinus led a force of around 20,000 soldiers, consisting of Legio XIV Gemina, a division of Legio XX with a similar number of auxiliaries to attack and destroy the seat of the Druids at Mona. This was likely a division from Legio XX on battle orders with the remainder of the legion remaining stationed at their parent fort. 

The historians Tacitus and Cassius Dio, our only sources for this event, tell us that Legio XX were in Mona supporting the Roman governor Paulinus on a mission to exterminate the Druids who had been influencing the Celtic tribes of Britain. Paulinus was also intent on destroying the Druids' sacred groves and temples on the island but he had to abandon his conquest of Mona to take the legions south to deal with a rebellion of the Britons. 

Boudicca

Boudicca, Queen of the Iceni, had protested to the Romans how badly they were treating her kingdom. The Romans gave a brutal response; centurions pillaged the territory, the dead king’s household ransacked, the Queen flogged and her daughters raped. Boudicca’s response was to lead a savage rebellion against the Romans.

Boudicca led her tribal warriors south and besieged the now thriving town at Roman Colchester. As the governor Paulinus was engaged in Mona exterminating Druids, the veterans appealed to the procurator Catus Decianus in London for assistance. Decianus sent 200 poorly equipped Roman soldiers to defend Colchester to little effect. Quintus Petillius Cerialis (Rufus) commander of Legio IX Hispana, brought a division of his troops, probably 2,000 men, south from Lincoln but they were ambushed and annihilated by the wrath of the Iceni Queen. Cerialis fled with his cavalry, leaving his legionaries to suffer the slaughter, and hid in a nearby fort. Seeing the size of the rebellion Decianus fled to Gaul.

After a two-day siege, the destruction of Camulodunum was intense and complete with Colonia Claudia Victricensis burnt to the ground. Archaeologists refer to the ‘Boudiccan destruction layer’ as evidence of a widespread fire. The Iceni and Trinovantes then headed south to Londinium (London) before turning northwards to Verulamium (St Albans) where the destruction continued. Boudicca then turned her Celtic rebel army north to engage the Roman legions coming south from Mona for the final battle somewhere near the meeting place of the Roman roads Fosse Way and Watling Street. The Roman war machine was absolutely brutal in ensuring that this did not become a repeat of the Teutoburg Forest disaster.

The Trinovantes joined Boudica’s rebellion which now numbered as many as 230,000 Britons according to Dio, which is certainly an exaggeration although it was clearly a sizeable force. Modern estimates gauge the strength of the Britons at around 100,000 Iceni and Trinovantes joined by groups of other Celtic tribes and around 12,000 Romans consisting of Legio XIV Gemina and divisions from two other legions including Legio XX, plus several thousand auxiliaries and cavalry.

On shear strength of numbers the Britons should destroyed the much smaller Roman force, then British history may have been totally different. But as we know it was not to be.

Paulinus called upon Legio II Augusta at Isca Dumnoniorum (Exter) to join his force but the legion under acting-commander Poenius Postumus, the praefectus castorum, failed to respond and kept the legion safely in the south away from the action. Postumus clearly expected the Romans to fall and was ready for a speedy exit from the Province. But the disorganised Britons proved to be no match for the well-disciplined and better armed Roman forces. Having brought shame on Legio II Postumus committed suicide.

Boudicca's rebellion

The battle site where the Iceni were slaughtered by the Romans has never been positively identified but Mancetter near Atherstone on the modern A5 road, roughly following the line of the Watling Street, is favoured. Tacitus writes that 80,000 Britons and just 400 Romans were killed in the battle. According to Tacitus Boudicca poisoned herself rather than face the humiliation of being taken captive by the Romans. The rebellion was over.

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The cognomina of Legio XX
It is often said that both Legio XX and Legio XIV Gemina were awarded honorific titles for their courageous behaviour in the Boudiccan campaign; it is generally accepted from this point on Legio XX used the cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ (Valiant and Victorious) and XIV Gemina ‘Martia Victrix’ (Warlike and Victorious). Therefore the date of the Boudiccan rebellion AD 60-61 is assumed as the dating horizon for the honorific titles as we have seen with the epigraphic evidence at Colchester and Kingsholm. However, it should be noted that no ancient writer explains when or why these titles were awarded to Legio XX.

Tomlin ponders if the whole legion of Legio XX would have been awarded a honorific title for their part in quelling the Boudiccan Revolt as they only supplied a division whereas a full legion was provided by Legio XIV Gemina who accordingly did the bulk of the fighting at the battle of Watling Street. If Legio XX were not awarded the title for the Boudiccan campaign, as Tomlin questions, when did they receive it?

There are inscriptions to Legio XX in Illyricum where they fought in the Great Illyrian Revolt from AD 6 to AD 9 but none use the cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’. We find three inscriptions which honour officers of Legio XX known to have served in Britain prior to AD 61 where the cognomina are also absent, whereas there are over fifty inscriptions to Legio XX from the 2nd and 3rd centuries, of which all but four contain the cognomina.

The cognomia does not appear to have been awarded early in the 1st century and there is a lack of evidence to confirm it was awarded to Legio XX after the Boudiccan Revolt. Was there a later event that would warrant such an award? Tomlin puts forward the suggestion that the cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ may have awarded after Legio XX distinguished itself for the campaign in Scotland under Agricola from AD 79, culminating in the Battle of Mons Graupius in AD 83. This is a distinct possibility, yet we must conclude that the current evidence does not allow us to determine the first instance of ‘Valeria Victrix’.

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Aftermath: Ravaged with Fire and Sword
The consequences of the Boudiccan revolt proved to be devastating for the Iceni. Nero immediately sent a further 2,000 legionaries with 1,000 cavalry and auxiliaries to replace the Roman losses and aid Paulinus in recovering the Province.

Paulinus was determined to carry out harsh reprisals against the Iceni and their allies. Many of the rebellious Britons that had supported Boudicca were put to the sword, their homes burned and crops destroyed. So effective was the retribution of the Romans that the homelands of the Iceni in Norfolk remained derelict and deserted for many years.

Concerned that this ruthless retribution had gone too far and would only lead to continued hostilities with the native Britons Paulinus was recalled by Emperor Nero in AD 62 and replaced by Publius Petronius Turpilianus. Taking a more conciliatory approach, the new governor’s aim was to stabilize the region and prevent further uprisings, consequently Petronius carried out few military operations. A year later Petronius was replaced by Marcus Trebellius Maximus.

The New Frontier
It is thought that Legio XX was involved with the defeat of Caratacus and the Ordovices in AD 51. The Iron Age hillfort at Caer Caradoc near Church Stretton in Shropshire is traditionally claimed as the site of Caratacus’s last stand. However, he managed to evade capture and headed north to the land of the Brigantes. It is often assumed that Legio XX was withdrawn from Usk and posted to Viroconium (Wroxeter, Shropshire) taking possession of the fortress from Legio XIV Gemina which had been withdrawn from Britain in AD 68. Wroxeter would have been the perfect base to pursue the Ordovices in mid-Wales.  

However, there is little direct evidence to support the presence of Legio XX at Wroxeter; it has been suggested that the legion may have been at Gloucester from AD 67 to AD 75. As noted above the movement of Legio XX once it left Colchester is poorly documented at this time and apart from involvement in the Boudiccan Revolt we know little for certain of their exact whereabouts.

Even so, it is generally accepted that the Roman presence at Gloucester was probably maintained by Legio II Augusta, transferred up from Isca Dumnoniorum (Exeter) who may have constructed the new legionary fortress at Glevum (Gloucester) replacing the smaller vexillation fort nearby at Kingsholm.

With the possible movement of Legio XX to Wroxeter the fort at Usk (Burrium) had been totally evacuated, and probably demolished, by AD 69 with construction of a new legionary fortress commenced at  Isca Silurum (Caerleon) about 7 miles further downstream. Usk was liable to frequent flooding and not accessible by boat. The new fortress at Caerleon was sited where the river was navigable. It is of course possible that Legio XX had spent the period AD 67 – AD 75 building the new fortress at Caerleon, but again we lack firm evidence for this.

Caerleon legionary fortress

On completion of the new fortress Legio II Augusta were transferred to Caerleon which remained as the legion’s headquarters until the 4th century. With Legio II Augusta firmly established at Caerleon the Roman fort at Glevum become a "colonia" of retired legionaries as Colonia Nervia Glevensium by AD 97.

Appointed as governor of Britain in AD 63, Trebellius continued the policy of consolidation taken by Petronius avoiding expansion of Roman territory. He continued the Romanisation of Britain and set about repairing the destruction caused by the Boudiccan revolt at Colchester and London. Five years later we can only assume that the province was relatively peaceful and sufficiently secure to permit the withdrawal of Legio XIV Gemina from Britain by the emperor Nero in AD 68 who considered the legion the best he had. Nero had plans for them in an eastern campaign but owing to his death the legion remained in the Balkans.

The Balkerne Gate, Colchester

The remaining British legions became restless with the lack of activity and sure enough mutinies followed. Lacking military experience Trebellius was unable to restore discipline in the legions and soon came into conflict with Marcus Roscius Coelius, commander of Legio XX.

The Year of the Four Emperors
With the death of Nero in AD 68 the Julio-Claudian dynasty ended. Chaos ensued in the following year; The Year of the Four Emperors, the first civil war of the Roman Empire which would see four different individuals proclaimed as emperor.

Following Nero's suicide after being declared a public enemy by the Senate, Galba was appointed Emperor. Galba quickly fell out of favour and was assassinated by Marcus Salvius Otho with the assistance of the Praetorian Guard. Otho's reign was also turned out to be brief after he was challenged by Aulus Vitellius, governor of the province of Germania Inferior. Vitellius and the legions of the Rhine with others marched on Rome. Otho was supported by the legions of the Balkans including Legio XIV Gemina. The rival armies met near Cremona in Italy in the First Battle of Bedriacum with Vitellius triumphant. Legio XIV Gemina declared they had not been defeated as the main body arrived too late for the battle; to prevent any threat of further rebellion Vitellius sent the legion back to Britain where they remained for the rest of the civil war. Vitellius continued to march on Rome and was declared Emperor by the Senate. 

Meanwhile back in Britain the turmoil presented Roscius with opportunity to rebel against the British Governor Trebellius who then quickly fled to the continent. Roscius supported Vitellius and had sent units from Legio XX to fight for him as had the other legions in Britain. Roscius the most powerful of the legionary commanders now effectively governed Britain until Vitellius, now emperor, sent Marcus Vettius Bolanus as the new governor in AD 69, who must have arrived in Britain around the same time as Legio XIV Gemina. Roscius remained in post even after the arrival of the new governor.

Vitellius’s position as emperor was not accepted by all, notably Titus Flavius Vespasian, the governor of Judaea, who had the support of the legions in the eastern provinces. Vespasian marched on Rome and emerged victorious ending Vitellius’s eight month reign. By the end of AD 69, Vespasian, who had earlier distinguished himself by leading Legio II Augusta in the invasion of Britain, established himself as emperor marking the beginning of the Flavian Dynasty and bringing stability back to the empire. Roscius and Legio XX being among the last to swear allegiance to Vespasian.

Titus Flavius Vespasian

In AD 70 Vespasian replaced Roscius the treacherous commander of Legio XX with Gnaeus Julius Agricola. Agricola reimposed discipline on the rebellious legion that had supported Vitellius during the civil war. Agricola began his career as a military tribune having served in Britain under Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, governor of Britain from AD 58-62. During this time Agricola almost certainly took part in the attack on the Druids of Mona and the suppression of the Boudiccan Revolt in AD 60-61. 

Bolanus remained as governor, reclaiming some of the territory lost in the revolt. In the same year Vespasian sent Legio XIV Gemina back across the Channel to form an army under Quintus Petillius Cerialis (formerly commander of Legio IX Hispana during the Boudiccan Revolt) to deal with a Batavian rebellion led by Julius Civilis who was attacking the garrisons on the Rhine. Cerialis was Vespasian’s son-in-law and had been taken hostage by Vitellius during the civil war. He escaped and joined the army that took Rome for Vespasian.

Vespasian rewarded Cerialis’s loyalty and success in Germania by appointing him as governor of Britain in AD 71, replacing Bolanus. Cerialis brought Legio II Adiutrix with him to Britain where he was closely supported by Agricola, commander of Legio XX.

Tacitus attributes the unrest within the British legions to their troops having too much time on their hands while being under-utilised by governors Petronius and Trebillius. The northern frontier had been consolidated at a line roughly from the River Dee to the Humber estuary in the east. Cerialis and Agricola would form a successful partnership that would result in expansion of the Roman occupation deep into the north of Britain.

Sources:
Simon Elliott, Agricola in Scotland, Pen & Sword Military, 2025.
Nic Fields, Boudicca’s Rebellion AD 60–61, Osprey, 2011.
Stephen James Malone, Legio XX Valeria Victrix: Prosopography, archaeology and history, BAR Publishing, 2006.
Robert McPake, A Note on the Cognomina of Legio XX, Britannia, Vol. 12, 1981.
Nigel Pollard & Joanne Berry, The Complete Roman Legions, Thames & Hudson, 2015 (Reprint edition 2024).
I.A. Richmond and R.P. Wright, The Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, Chester Archaeological Society, 1955.
RSO Tomlin, The Twentieth Legion at Wroxeter and Carlisle in the First Century: The Epigraphic Evidence, Britannia, Vol. 23, 1992.
Graham Webster, the Roman Invasion of Britain, Routledge, revised edition 2003.
Graham Webster, A Short Guide to the Roman Inscriptions & Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum Chester, Grosvenor Pubication, 1970. 

- Edited 05/11/25

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The Roman Tombstones at Chester: A Closer Look

In a previous post 'Walking Chester City Walls Part 1: Eastgate to the Racecourse' it was noted that a large number of Roman tombstones had been re-used in repairs to the northern section of the Chester City Walls. On closer examination it is apparent that these funerary stones had not just been ripped out of a local Roman cemetery for building material but they had been defaced and mutilated with many of the inscriptions obliterated.

Discovery
During repairs to a section of the lower course of the Chester City Walls in 1883 near Morgan’s Mount, about halfway between the Northgate and the Water Tower, pieces of Roman masonry, one clearly a tombstone, were discovered among the fill of the wall. Further repair work between Northgate and the King Charles Tower in 1887 uncovered a substantial amount of Roman masonry, much again from funerary monuments, which has been used to repair the lower courses of the wall.

Roman masonry on the lower courses of the North Wall

In addition to the inscriptions there were also many sculptured panels which had once adorned funerary monuments. These stones must have come from a cemetery outside the fortress walls as Roman law did not permit burial within built up areas. Many Roman cemeteries are found alongside roads outside cities and fortresses.

The finds were so numerous that between 1890 and 1892 Chester Archaeological Society was called in to investigate the wall by Northgate. More than 150 stones were found from the three investigations of 1883, 1887 and the 1890-92. The tombstones had been used as the infill during repairs to the fortress wall at some point in the distant past.

Many of the tombstones commemorated members of Legio XX that had passed while at Chester, the permanent station of the legion. The collection demonstrates the extraordinary diversity in the Roman Army with soldiers being drawn from all corners of the Roman Empire. 

At the time of their discovery these stones were considered to have been robbed from the Roman cemetery during the reconstruction of the walls during the Medieval period, however, the lack of erosion from long-term weathering on most of the stones indicates they were not exposed to the elements for an excessive period; consequently an earlier date is preferred.

Further to this repair work to the city walls in the late-19th century, Professor Newstead carried out excavations at the Deanery Field within the north east corner of the city walls just beyond Chester Cathedral in the 1920’s and 30’s and uncovered Roman barrack blocks and associated buildings. However, a length of wall along the Deanery Field remains undisturbed and almost certainly contains many more inscribed stones.

The numbering system used here refers to ‘The Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester’ by I.A. Richmond and R.P. Wright.1 Where appropriate the catalogue number of the Roman Inscriptions of Britain (RIB) Online has also been provided for cross reference. The RIB database includes thousands of Roman inscriptions based on the work of authoritative experts in the field such as R.G. Collingwood, R.P. Wright and R.S.O. Tomlin to name just three. (Search RIB for: “Chester (Deva) North Wall”).

To the Spirits of the Departed
The collection contains altar stones; dedications to buildings; official proprietary marks (legionary stamps); graffiti (scratched and scribbles to mark a person’s ownership of a particular item). But by far the majority of stones from the north wall were Roman tombstones and it is these that form the bulk of the assemblage in the Grosvenor Museum, claimed to be the finest collection of sepulchral monuments in Britain. The Grosvenor collection includes other stones found in Chester, such as the original altar stone dedicated to Nemesis found in the amphitheatre (a copy is currently displayed at the amphitheatre). 

Stone 108

Graham Webster2 describes Stone 108 as one of the best preserved tombstones in the collection. It is one of many stones that depict, presumably, the deceased reclining on a couch eating and drinking, as was the Roman way, at a funeral banquet, or perhaps relaxing at an afterlife feast. Webster suggests that the Romans may have adopted the concept of ancestor worship at a feast of the dead from the Etruscans. A three legged stool is often present on Sepulchral Banquet sculptures, yet the significance of this item is unknown.

Stone 108 is inscribed: “To the spirits of the departed, Curatia Dinysia lived 40 years; her heir had this erected.” [RIB 562] It is suggested that ‘Dinysia’ may be a mason’s error for Dionysia.

The framed sculpture shows two opposed Tritons blowing shell-trumpets across the sea raising waves in allusion to the after-life voyage to the Isles of the Blest. A pair of Doves are perched below this. Below them, the deceased reclines on a high-backed couch with a cup raised in her right hand.  In front of the couch is positioned a three-legged stool. The head has been defaced to render the lady unrecognisable. 

For many centuries it was very popular to decorate Roman sarcophagi with mythological scenes and we see examples of this among the Chester collection. Stone 138, part of a cornerstone of a large monument, depicts the story of Hercules and the Trojan princess Hesione. The princess is bound to a rock awaiting the arrival of a sea monster to which she has been offered in sacrifice. The part of the stone showing the monster has been broken off. The tale is from an old folk story similar to that of Perseus and Andromeda. 

Stone 139 features the tale of Actaeon who became separated from his companions while out hunting and stopped at a lake to rest when he saw Artemis bathing. Outraged, the goddess turned him into a stag and he was then hunted by his companions and torn to pieces by his own hounds. The stone shows stag’s horns starting to grow out of Actaeon’s head.

Another, Stone 140, is thought to represent the death of Adonis who was killed by a boar during a hunt. Prosperine restored him back to life on the condition that he spent six months of the year in the underworld. Stone 141 shows the Harpy, the human-headed bird of ill omen, symbolic of death.

Mythical imagery started to appear on Roman sarcophagi from he Hadrianic period (117-136 AD) reaching a peak in the later-2nd century AD with entirely decorated panels becoming increasingly popular. Then in a major change in funerary monument decoration from the mid-3rd century AD mythological imagery largely disappeared.

The Grosvenor collection holds thirteen stones commentating soldiers of Legio II Adiutrix that was stationed at Chester from AD 75 until AD 87 when they were replaced by Legio XX. Stone 23 is one such stone and reads: “Gaius Calventius Celer, son of Gaius, of the Claudian voting-tribe, from Aprus, soldier of the Second Legion Adjutrix Pia Fidelis, in the century of Vibius Clemens …. ” [RIB 475] The inscription continues but the stone is broken off at this point.

Stone 36 was set up in honour of the highest ranking officer commemorated in the collection, a praefectus castorum, camp prefect, who was responsible for the administration and supplies of the legion but would be acting commander in the absence of the legatus legionis, the officer in command of a legion, equivalent to a high ranking general today. This stone had been used as a facing stone in the eastern part of the North Wall but with the inscription turned inwards which reads:

“To the spirits of the departed, Marcus Aurelius Alexander, camp-prefect of the Twentieth Legion Valeria Victrix, a Syrian tribesman of Osroene, lived 72 years [… ; …]yces and S[…, his heirs, set this up].” [RIB 490]. 

This stone is badly mutilated, one of the most damaged in the collection, and the remaining inscription which would have referred to his heirs who erected the stone has been broken off. The RIB online page suggests that his death cannot have occurred before Caracalla’s reign AD 198-217. The elder son of Emperor Septimius Severus known by his nickname as 'Caracalla', was actually born Lucius Septimius Bassianus, but when he was 7 years old his name was changed to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus to create an association with the previous Antonine dynasty. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Emperor AD 161 to 180, is regarded as the last of the "Five Good Emperors" of Rome, the last emperor of the Pax Romana. Caracalla’s successor Elagabalus, also a nickname, original name by birth was Sextus Varius Avitus Bassianus, but he also changed this to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus on becoming emperor in AD 218.

In AD 212 Caracalla issued an edict, the Constitutio Antoniniana, that declared that all free men in the Roman Empire were to be given full Roman citizenship. Prior to this full Roman citizenship was limited to inhabitants of Roman Italy, Romans and their descendants living in provinces throughout the Empire, and small numbers of client kings and their nobles. As a result of Caracalla’s edict large numbers of new Roman citizens assumed the name 'Marcus Aurelius', in honour of their patron (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus), including, after Caracalla and Elagabalus, nine Roman emperors over the next century; from Severus Alexander (r. AD 222-235) to Maxentius (r. AD 306–312). 

Stone 37 commemorates Marcus Aurelius Nepos, a centurion of Legio XX which has been broken horizontally through the figures. [RIB 491]. It follows that Stones 36 and 37 must have been erected after Caracalla’s edict as they both use the name Marcus Aurelius.

Dating the Tombstones
One of the Chester tombstones that continues to receive much attention, designated Stone 137 depicts a cavalryman said to be wearing scale armour and holding a draco, known as the Chester Draconarius, and although it bears no inscription being broken at this point, it is considered by many to be a Sarmatian cavalryman. 

Stone 137 - The Chester Draconarius

It follows that Stone 137 must post-date AD 175 when according to the historian Cassius Dio Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent 5,500 Sarmatians to Britain, beyond that with no inscription we have no further information suggestive of dating for this particular tombstone. Consequently, the Chester Draconarius is often cited as evidence for the presence of Sarmatian cavalry in Britain. Yet there is certainly a distinct lack of evidence for these fifty-five hundred Sarmatians in Britain. And we cannot positively rule out the possibility of the cavalryman being a Dacian auxiliary; we know that the ‘Cohors I Aelia Dacorum’, a Dacian infantry unit, raised by Hadrian no later then AD 125, was stationed for almost its entire history on Hadrian's Wall. Furthermore, a military diploma from Chester (Deva) dated AD 146 lists the 1st Aelian Cohort of Dacians which has led to speculation that a Dacian unit was stationed at Chester for a period, and the Draconarius died while on detachment. We will return to the Chester Draconarius at a later point.

Webster notes that Stone 77 is of considerable archaeological significance in providing a date for the rebuilding of the north wall of the Chester fortress. This stone, designated RIB 488 commemorates Gabinius Felix a soldier from Legio II Augusta which was stationed at Caerleon in South Wales. We can only guess at the reason for Gabinius being at Chester away from his legion when he died. After the name of the legion the letters “ANT” appear on his tombstone. Experts in Roman inscriptions have identified these three letters as standing for ‘Antoninana’ a title bestowed on Legio XX by either Caracalla (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus) or Elagabus, who took the same name as his predecessor. This suffix was used only between AD 213 and 222. Legions were frequently awarded titles following successful campaigns. Legio XX was awarded the titles ‘Valeria Victrix’ likely following the legion’s part in the Boudican revolt of AD 61. Then after participating in the northern campaign of Septimus Severus during 208-2011, on their return to Chester Legio XX was awarded the temporary title ‘Antoninana’ by Severus’s son Caracalla (r.AD 211-217) or his successor Elagabalus (r.AD 218-222).

It follows therefore that Felix died and the erection of his tombstone (Stone 77) occurred between AD 213 and 222. We have also seen that the Chester Draconarius (Stone 137), IF the stone depicts a Samartian, then must be dated after AD 175 when they first arrived in Britain. Stone 36 and Stone 37 both commemorate individuals named Marcus Aurelius and must date to after Caracalla’s edict of AD 212. From this very limited snapshot of the Chester tombstones we can see that the cemetery was still in use in the first half of the 3rd century. But when did the cemetery become redundant and the tombstones ripped out?

No One is Immortal
The ancient and widespread practice of ‘Spoliation’ (from the Latin for 'spoils') was particularly frequent in Late Antiquity in Italy and the Roman West. The phenomenon of tomb destruction for the re-use of Roman funerary art, particularly their marble décor, for other building purposes was a common form of spolia. Entire redundant structures were known to have been comprehensively demolished and the materials re-used in the construction of new buildings. Highly decorated funerary monuments particularly those constructed in marble where highly valued and desirable objects for recycling in later construction projects. Tomb destruction had become such a problem that by the 4th century AD that edicts were issued by emperors to halt the practice.

We only need to look as far as the late Roman city walls of London for further examples of spoliation and particularly the re-use of funerary monuments. Major sections of London’s Roman walls incorporate recycled material in the foundation layers. Elements from a monumental arch and a decorated screen have also been found within the walls. Funerary monuments have been found within the external towers. However, the lack of contemporary funerary objects found indicates that none of the tombs from which this material was sourced are contemporary with the construction of the wall; the builders appear to have purposefully avoided dismantling recently erected funerary monuments. This suggests that only redundant funerary stones were used, thereby respecting the recently departed.3

We may well wonder, at what point does a cemetery and its tombstones, set to commemorate the departed, become redundant?

The tombstones, ripped out from a Roman cemetery outside the fortress at Chester, have clearly been used to repair the defensive wall. The engineers, presumably legionaries, must have taken any large stone available at the time, perhaps the funerary stones were nearest to the construction site, indicating that the repairs were hurried, possibly following a barbarian attack.

However, the treatment of the funerary stones at Chester shows that they were not just simply re-used, they have been defaced and mutilated, inscriptions removed or obliterated; without words memorial stones become totally meaningless. We have seen above how Stone 36 commemorating the praefectus castorum, one of the highest ranking officers of the legion, is one of the most damaged in the collection having been severely mutilated. The tombstones were not just re-used, they were defaced, mutilated and inscriptions obliterated. This is suggestive that memorials to Legio XX were held in contempt at the time they were ripped out of the cemetery and used to repair the north wall. 

The destructive treatment of the tombstones of Legio XX immediately brings to mind the Roman practice of ‘Damnatio memoriae’ (condemnation of memory), the erasure of the subject from the historical record including the destruction of depictions and the removal of names from inscriptions and documents. The practice was usually exercised for usurping emperors or failed conspirators. 

The Severan Tondo

An example of damnatio memoriae can be seen on The Severan Tondo, a panel painting depicting the first two generations of the Severan dynasty; Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna, and their sons Caracalla and Geta. Severus intended for his sons to rule togther after his death but when he died at York in February AD 211 they showed they were incapable of ruling as joint emperors and Geta was murdered in December that year. Caracalla ordered the damnatio memoriae of Geta. The Tondo shows the face of one of Severus' sons, thought to be Geta, that has been erased as a result of the damnatio memoriae. As we saw above, the head on Stone 108 has been defaced.

If the memory of Legio XX at Chester has been deliberately obliterated can we identify when the legion fell from grace? 

Webster notes that the amount of weathering on Stone 77 indicates it remained exposed to the elements for a reasonable but not excessive period and would not have been used in the rebuilding of Chester north wall until probably the late-3rd or early-4th century, the period of reconstruction of Constantius Chlorus.

What happened to Legio XX?

Notes & References:
1. I.A. Richmond and R.P. Wright, The Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, Chester Archaeological Society, 1955.
2. Graham Webster, A Short Guide to the Roman Inscriptions & Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum Chester, Grosvenor Pubication, 1970.
3. Re-use of Roman stone in London city walls, Simon Barker, Penny Coombe & Simona Perna, pp.327-348, in Proceedings of the International conference ‘Roman ornamental stones in north-western Europe. Natural resources, manufacturing, supply, life & after-life’, Gallo-Roman Museum of Tongeren (Belgium), 20-22 April 2016. Edited by Catherine Coquelet, Guido Creemers, Roland Dreesen and Éric Goemaere.

* * *

Walking Chester City Walls Part 2: Norman Castle to Roman Amphitheatre

Continued from Part 1: Eastgate to the Racecourse

CHESTER long held a special position within regal control over the country. The Earldom of Chester was created shortly after the Norman Conquest, around AD 1070-71, with the title and powers of a ‘County Palatine’ granted to the earls by William the Conqueror, essentially a separate fuedal domain designed for defence of the frontier zone along the Welsh Marches. Chester, along with Shrewsbury and Hereford, were granted this privileged status in which the nobleman, or ‘counts palatine’, swore allegiance to the monarch yet had the power to rule the county largely independently of the king. 

This status meant the palatinate of Cheshire was effectively excluded from King John's Magna Carta. Ranulf, 3rd Earl of Chester, produced a local charter, issued in 1215 or 1216, which although some of its articles were similar to the Runnymede Charter, granted privileges to Cheshire's barons that were not extended to other barons in the rest of England under the Magna Carta.

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9. Chester Castle
Once a great stone fortress Chester Castle was dominant as the seat of power in the North-West. Enclosed by the city walls the castle is strategically located at the south-west corner of the city overlooking the River Dee, the port of Chester and the Old Dee Bridge carrying the main route in to Wales.

Chester's first castle was built at the instruction of William the Conqueror in 1070. The original structure being a motte-and-bailey timber castle with a wooden tower. Throughout Norman times the castle was the seat of the Earls of Chester, some of the most powerful nobles in the country. The second Earl of Chester, Hugh Lupus (the Wolf) d'Avranches held his parliament there. The Norman castle was rebuilt and extended by successive Earls of Chester, the wooden tower on the summit of the motte replaced by a square stone tower, known as the Flag Tower in the 12th century, the oldest stone work on the site. Once the central keep but now much reduced in height it is not visible as you walk the walls.

When the last Norman Earl died without issue in 1237 the Crown annexed the Earldom of Chester. Since 1301 the earldom of Chester has been held by successive Prince of Wales, the immediate heir to the throne. A tradition started by Edward I during his conquest of Wales, the title Prince of Wales was used by the Welsh nobility since the 12th century and later reclaimed by Owain Glyn Dŵr during his early-15th century rebellion. The first English Prince of Wales was the youngest son of Edward I, Edward of Caernarfon born at the castle in 1284 and future King Edward II.

During the 13th century Henry III and Edward I used Chester castle as their military headquarters during their Welsh campaigns. Henry and later his son Edward carried out considerable work at the castle strengthening much of the timber defences with stone, notably the outer bailey, where the pallisade was replaced by a great stone wall in 1247-51. 

It was at Chester castle that Richard II’s reign effectively came to an end when he was imprisoned there by Henry Bolingbroke in 1399. Along with Richard II, Eleanor Cobham, and Andrew de Moray, famous at the Battle of Stirling Bridge, were all imprisoned in the Agricola Tower at some time. Built in sandstone ashlar the 12th-century the Agricola Tower (or Chapel Tower) was the original gateway in to the inner bailey of the castle with the now blocked passage arch clearly visible. On the first floor is the chapel of St Mary de Castro, which is said to contain some exceptionally fine wall paintings dating from around 1240.

Alarmingly much of the medieval castle was demolished during Thomas Harrison's radical rebuilding in the 18th and 19th centuries with only the Agricola tower, the lower half of the Flag Tower and occasional patches of medieval walling surviving.

Turning east at the castle continuing on the city walls with the River Dee on your right you soon arrive at Bridgegate and the old bridge across the River Dee. A traffic control system operates here owing to the narrowness of the gate and the bridge. Cross the bridge and head towards Handbridge.

10. Bridgegate & The Old Dee bridge
Originally a Roman bridge that straddled the River Dee linking the quarries at Handbridge to the fortress of Deva. The 14th century Old Dee Bridge was built in stone after several of the earlier timber bridges were swept away in high waters. In 1600 a large square tower was built on its centre, which, with upstream pipes and a water wheel on the weir, pumped water into the city, the first such system outside London. The tower was destroyed during the Civil War. The seven arches are unequally spaced owing to lack of firm foundations in the river bed. A toll was charged until 1885. On crossing the bridge arriving on the south bank of the Dee you will see a signpost pointing across the road to Edgar’s Field, enter through the children’s play area next to the Ship Inn.

11. The Minerva Shrine (Edgar's Field)
Walk through the play area into Edgar’s Field where you will see a large outcrop ahead. According to local tradition Edgar’s Field is named after the Saxon King Edgar was allegedly rowed up the River Dee by eight Saxon princes in AD 973. Rumours of a royal palace here appear to be unfounded. In Roman times this was a red sandstone quarry active mainly in the 2nd century and used extensively in the buildings of the Roman fortress.

On the face of the rock outcrop is a badly weathered carving of the Roman goddess Minerva. Standing within a stylised temple, holding a spear in her right hand and possibly a shield in her left, an owl is perched on her left shoulder with an altar shown to her right. It is thought that there may have been a niche that could be used for offerings. Quarrying took place in Handbridge until the 19th century, so although in poor condition today, knowing how destructive quarrying can be it is surprising that the shrine has survived at all.

Minerva was one of the most important deities of the Roman state; at Handbridge she is depicted as goddess of crafts, yet she was also patron of all the rivers and springs in Britannia. Although not a water goddess, at Roman Bath she became equated with the Celtic goddess Sulis and presided over the healing hot springs. Images of deities carved into the solid rock are very rare in Roman Britain, yet the choice of Minerva in a classical style reflects the culture of the Roman soldiers based at Chester. In 1861 a Roman Altar was found in Bridge Street Row east, which read: “To The goddess Minerva, Furius Fortunatus, Senior Master, fulfilled his vow" (RIB 457)  

From the Old Dee Bridge you obtain a close up look at the weir in the river, built in the 11th century by Hugh Lupus to power grain mills. Further along the north bank below the medieval wall are The Groves stretching from the bridge to Grosvenor Park. From the Groves you can take a boat trip up river to Iron Bridge or listen to entertainment from the bandstand. 

 

12. The Roman Gardens
Rejoining the city walls from The Groves you are now at the corner of the south and east walls. Further along the east wall, below right, is The Roman Garden which lies just outside the Roman fortress. This is something of a misnomer as there was no Roman garden here, the area was created to display an assortment of finds from the Roman fortress. The collection was assembled in 1949 and includes fragments from military buildings, the main baths and the legionary headquarters such as column pieces, part of an altar and a reconstructed Roman hypercaust. To enter the Roman Gardens leave the city wall at The Newgate and immediately turn right.

A change in the masonry below the east wall below where you just walked can clearly be seen from the Roman Garden which marks the site of a breach blasted through the city walls by Parliamentary cannon when Chester was besieged in 1644 – 1646 during the English Civil War. Leave the Gardens and return to The Newgate.

13. Newgate and Wolfgate
One of the most recent additions to the city walls, The Newgate was opened in 1938 to replace the old Wolfgate, first mentioned as ‘Wofuldegate’ in 1303, which had been rebuilt in the early 17th century but later was deemed too narrow for modern traffic. Wolfgate was retained and stands immediately to the north of the Newgate in its original position. From the top of Newgate the Roman amphitheatre across the road outside of the city walls irresistibly draws your attention and it is here we head next. Leave the city walls at Newgate and cross the road at Souter’s Lane to enter the site of the Roman amphitheatre.

14. The Roman Amphitheatre
In 1736 a small slate plaque was found in Fishmonger's Lane (now Newgate Street) in Chester with a relief carving of a retiarius (a gladiator with trident and net). This is said to be the only depiction of a retiarius with his net in his lefthand known in the whole Roman Empire. Soon after it disappeared. In 1978 the lost gladiator plaque from Chester turned up at Saffron Walden Museum, Essex, which had been in their museum since 1836. How it got to Essex remains a mystery. 

The Chester Gladiator

As a large legionary fortress archaeologists expected an amphitheatre to have been constructed at Chester but no evidence of one had been found at Chester. In 1929 workmen installing a boiler house beyond the south-east angle of the fortress unearthed a massive section of curved wall. WJ (Walrus) Williams immediately identified this as the outer wall of an amphitheatre. Professor Robert Newstead carried out initial investigations and trial trenching over the next two years to define the extent of the Roman amphitheatre. A new road threatened the future of the site but was eventually scrapped. The Chester Archaeological Society purchased St John’s House on the northern half of the amphitheatre to secure the site.

A major excavation was planned to commence in 1939 but was deferred owing the outbreak of the Second World War. Excavations finally took place in the 1960s when a large scale dig took place under the direction of Frederick Hugh Thompson led to exposure of the remains of much of the northern portion of a huge amphitheatre just outside the south-east corner of the Roman fortress that we see today.

Speed's map of Chester 1610,
road around the amphitheatre in red

John Speed’s 1610 map of Chester shows a bend in the road which, unknown at the time, preserved the shape around the northern sector of the amphitheatre. This road must have respected an ancient route around the structure. 

During excavations in 1966 an altar dedicated to Nemesis, the Roman goddess of vengeance and retribution was discovered at the amphitheatre. This altar was found in a small room behind the arena-wall, immediately west of the north entrance, which was presumably a shrine of Nemesis, called a 'Nemeseum' and thought to have been a place of worship for both performers and spectators. The altar at the amphitheatre today is a replica, the original now housed in the Grosvenor Museum. 

Keith Matthews carried out minor excavations in 2000 for Chester City Council. Then between 2004-06 further excavations took place led jointly by Tony Wilmott (English Heritage) and Dan Garner (Chester City Council). Their work revealed that the first amphitheatre, probably constructed around AD 70 by II Legion Adiutrix, consisting of an earthen bank between the outer wall and the sunken arena enclosed by a stone wall. 

In AD 87 II Legion Adiutrix was recalled by emperor Domitian to the continent to serve in the Dacian Wars. II Adiutrix was formed in AD 70 by Emperor Vespasian, drawing from Naval marines of the Ravenna fleet. Gnaeus Julius Agricola, governor of Britain, moved II Adiutrix from Lincoln to the mouth of the River Dee on the northern Welsh border, to construct the legionary fortress at Chester (Deva) as part of the reorganisation of the Legions in Britain. Installing a legionary fortress on the Cheshire Plain effectively putting a Roman wedge between the Brigantes in the north of England and the Ordovices in Wales would be critical to the success of Agricola’s campaign to subjugate the local tribes. No doubt the naval experience of II Adiutrix was significant for construction of the harbour at Deva which would be essential for supplying the Legions.

In AD 88 the XX Legion Valera Victrix was pulled back from the fort at Inchtuthil overlooking the river Tay in Scotland and sent to Deva to replace II Adiutrix. The XX Legion spent around three hundred years at Deva but units were frequently pulled away for various campaigns, the level of maintenance of the fortress reciprocal to the legion’s presence or absence.

The XX Legion set about rebuilding Deva in stone and brick, much of it supplied from the legionary tile and pottery factory at Holt, near Wrexham. Around AD 100 a timber seating framework was installed with external stairways leading to upper level seating of the amphitheatre. Evidence for stalls selling hot take-away food from portable cookers and gladiatorial souvenirs was found around the outside of the amphitheatre. Yellow sand, to soak up and highlight bloodshed, was imported for use in the arena, and stored locally.

During the excavations of 2004-06 a large stone block with an iron ring secured into its surface was discovered in the centre of the arena. This stone has been described as a ‘tethering block’ used for securing wild animals during staged beast hunts (venationes). A replica stone is displayed in the open arena today.

Around AD 120 units of the XX Legion were called north for the construction of Hadrian's wall (AD 122-128). At the fort of Vindolanda, just south of Hadrian's Wall, we find evidence of the legion’s presence in the carved insignia of the boar of XX Legion. Twenty years later units from the XX Legion were active further north in the construction of the turf rampart known as Antonine wall (AD 142-147) at the command of Emperor Antoninus Pius. The XX Legion were active again in the north between AD 155 and 158 when a widespread revolt broke out among the tribes of northern Britain.

The amphitheatre seems to have gone out of use by the mid-2nd century AD, possibly coinciding with the posting of XX Legion to northern England due to unrest in the northern tribes and the construction of Hadrian's Wall. During this period the amphitheatre was neglected and fell into disrepair with the arena used as a rubbish dump. 

Around AD 191 Clodius Albinus was made governor of Britain with control of its three legions. Following the assassination of Pertinax in AD 196 Clodius Albinus was declared emperor by the legions of Britain. He took much of the British garrison with him to the continent, but after a number of engagements was defeated outside Lugdunum (Lyon) by Septimius Severus the following year. In AD 197 the XX Legion returned to Deva Victrix where they carried out repairs and further construction work.

In AD 208 Septimius Severus came to Britain, in an attempt to conquer the Caledonian tribes of northern Britain, strengthening Hadrian’s Wall and re-occupying the Antonine Wall. Again units were pulled from garrison at Deva with the XX Legion supporting Severus in the Caledonian campaigns of AD 211-213. The XX Legion returned to Deva during the reign of Severus' son Caracalla (AD 211-217) carrying out restoration work to the fortress and other civil engineering projects. 

(after Wilmott & Garner, 2007)

In the first quarter of 3rd century a new amphitheatre was constructed around and totally enclosing the old structure at Deva; the new outer wall was constructed 1.8m (6ft) outside the outer wall of the first structure, making it the largest and most impressive amphitheatre in Britain. The amphitheatre was reinstated for only a short period, possibly to celebrate a particular event and then not maintained after. This is the largest known amphitheatre in Britain, estimated at 40ft high and able to seat 7,000 spectators. Yet, to date, less than half of the amphitheatre has been excavated as the remainder sits beneath a listed building.

During the excavations of 2004-06 a small three-sided, stone-built structure painted on the inside was discovered by the north entrance. This would have been on the outer wall of the first amphitheatre. It has been suggested that this small room may have started as a ‘carcer’ then later converted to a Nemeseum. In most amphitheatres, these shrines were outside the arena. This small shrine may have originally housed the altar to Nemesis which was moved inside the later structure as found by Thompson in the 1960’s.

The XX Legion was still active during the reign of the usurpers Carausius, AD 286-293 and Allectus AD293-296, but is not mentioned from the 4th century. It is possible the Legion was disbanded in AD 305 when the Roman emperor Constantius I Chlorus recovered Britain following the usurpations of Carausius and Allectus, he certainly replaced all legionary officers involved in the revolt. During the Diocletianic Persecution Constantius made little effort to implement the decrees in the western provinces that were under his control, limiting his response to destroying a handful of churches. When he died in July AD 306 at Eboracum (York) his son Constantine (the Great) was declared emperor in the west by the legions at York; he would become the first Christian emperor of Rome. 

Alternatively, the XX Legion may have been pulled out of Britain when Magnus Maximus rebelled in AD 383 to pursue his ambitions as Emperor. However, after the end of the 4th century, the fortress was abandoned by the Romans.

After Rome: Into the Dark
Following Thompson’s excavations in the 1960’s it was suggested that a series of postholes in the centre of the arena were identified as Roman and used for temporary military ceremonies. Thompson used machinery to empty the arena to what he considered was the Roman level, he later accepted that this had destroyed evidence for the late and post-Roman history of the site. 

The idea of a ceremonial platform was dismissed after further archaeological investigations in the 2000’s. The rectilinear pattern of the postholes was interpreted as evidence for a 5th or 6th century timber structure at the centre of the arena and was proposed as a possible Dark Age chieftain’s hall, or possibly an ecclesiastical building; the structure certainly stood long enough to require rebuilding at least once. Later, large blocks were inserted in the east entrance with probably only the northern entrance still in use, this seems to be confirmed by the metalled path leading from this entrance to what has been interpreted as timber buildings at the centre of the arena. The concept of the disused amphitheatre converted into the fortified residence of a high status Dark Age individual certainly has its attractions and evidently appealed to some historians.

The re-use of the amphitheatre in the post-Roman period has led to attempts to link the structure to the famous Round Table of the legendary King Arthur, a concept which was presented in a television program in 2010. The program ‘King Arthur’s Round Table Revealed’ first aired on The History Channel on 19th July 2010 and was widely reported in the national press as “The recent discovery of an amphitheatre with an execution stone and wooden memorial to Christian martyrs . . . .” concluding, “That is the clincher. The discovery of the shrine within the amphitheatre means that Chester was the site of Arthur’s court and his legendary Round Table”. [See Note]

As time moved on the amphitheatre was robbed of the majority of its stonework for civil building projects in the city. The height of the structure must have been substantially reduced and then being largely neglected the remains became covered over and had disappeared from sight by the 12th century and largely forgotten until its rediscovery in 1929. 

In the 17th Century Dee House, now a Grade II listed building, was built over the southern half of the amphitheatre. Consequently, none of the structure of the amphitheatre above modern ground level has survived here, but there is likely to be Roman archaeology under the foundations of Dee House. There is currently some debate over the future of Dee House which is now empty and in a “significant state of disrepair” raising the question whether it should be demolished to allow the remainder of the amphitheatre to be exposed. However, it is considered little of the Roman structure would have survived under Dee House making further excavation of limited value; it is a sad state of affairs when a derelict building is preventing the complete excavation of the largest Roman amphitheatre in Britain, the historical importance of which cannot be overstated.

Across the walkway on the opposite side of the arena is St John’s Church.

15. St. John's Church
The current Church of St. John the Baptist is sited beside the Roman amphitheatre, just beyond the city walls and overlooking the River Dee. St John's is Chester's oldest Church and has been a site of Christian Worship for nearly thirteen centuries. There are some 9th century crosses displayed inside the church, yet it is claimed that there has been a church on this site since AD 689 when Æthelred king of Mercia (674–704), youngest son of Penda the pagan king, founded an important Saxon Minster. A stained glass window in the church depicts King Æthelred and a white hind illustrating the legend that the king desired to build a church and was told to site it where he saw a white hind. Yet, the siting of the church does suggest an association with the amphitheatre; it has been suggested that the east entrance of the amphitheatre may have been reused as the crypt of the 7th century church or even an earlier chapel.

The late-7th century date for the foundation of the church sits comfortably with the conversion date of Mercia. Following the conversion to Christianity of King Peada, eldest son of Penda, around AD 656 the religion was firmly established in the kingdom by the late 7th century during the reign of Æthelred, a pious and devout Christian king. He abdicated in 704 to become a monk and abbot at Bardney where he died.

Excavation has shown that the walls on the eastern side of the amphitheatre adjacent the church have been almost entirely robbed. It's fairly certain that much of the stone used in the construction of the early church was robbed from the remains of the amphitheatre. The Saxon church is thought to have been enlarged by Æthelflaed, the Lady of the Mercians, in the early-10th century during her re-fortification work creating a Saxon burh, again, using stone robbed taken the amphitheatre. The amphitheatre walls were robbed again in the 11th century for the conversion into Chester’s first cathedral when St John’s was partially rebuilt by Bishop Peter of Mercia. It was used as a cathedral from 1075 to 1102, when the see of Lichfield transferred to Chester. St John’s then became an important Collegiate Church throughout the medieval period. The amphitheatre was probably part of the precinct of St John’s until the Dissolution. In the 16th Century, following the Reformation, St. John's became a Parish Church. 

King Harold at Chester
St John’s church is associated with the odd tradition of the survival of King Harold after the Battle of Hastings in 1066. King Harold is said to have lived at the chapel of St James near St John’s church after fleeing from the battlle field.

The Chester story is mentioned in The Polychronicon by Ranulf Higden (c.1280-1364), a Benedictine Monk of the monastery of St. Werburgh in Chester, and says the story was popularized by Gerald of Wales (Giraldus Cambrensis), c.1146-1223, who claimed Harold escaped the battle with a wound to the eye and became an anchorite in a cave or rock shelter near St. John's Church where he was cared for by his mistress, Edith Swan Neck. 

St Jame's Chapel
Did King Harold stay here after the Battle of Hastings?

Why would Harold flee from the south coast to Chester nearly 300 miles away? The city has a strong association with Harold's family, and some of the lands that became the Earldom of Chester had previously belonged to Harold's family. Did Gerald of Wales invent this story or was he pulling from a local tradition?

Higden claims that the tale is well known in the City and “Alredus Ryvallense records in his 'Life of St. Edward' that Harold dies miserably and in a state of penitence". The ‘Vita S. Eduardi Confessoris’ (The Life of Saint Edward, King and Confessor) was written by Aelred of Rievaulx, (born c.1110-1167) Cistercian abbot at Rievaulx Abbey, Yorkshire, after witnessing the translation of St. Edward the Confessor’s body in 1163.

The anonymous Vita Haroldi a Latin work from around 1205 also suggests Harold survived the battle, travelled to the continent, and lived as a hermit. It is thought to have been written at Waltham Abbey, the traditional burial site of King Harold .  

16. South-East Angle of the Roman Fortress
On a grassed area immediately below the City Walls on Pepper Street, adjacent to the Wolfgate are the remains of a Roman tower facing the amphitheatre. This is the base of an angle tower which was sited on the south-east corner of the original Roman fortress of Deva Victrix. In the Middle Ages Chester’s City Walls were rebuilt and extended at this point up to the back wall of the Roman south-east angle tower so that the Roman tower lay slightly forward of the later medieval wall.

It is at this point, the south-east corner of the Roman fortress, where the medieval wall diverges from the original Roman wall that Æthelflæd, the Lady of the Mercians, extended to the south as far as the banks of the River Dee, as at St Martin’s Gate to Boneswaldesthorne's Tower in the north-west corner. By extending the old Roman walls to the banks of the River Dee from the corners of the south-east corner and the north-west of the fortress the Saxons significantly increased the defensive circuit around Chester in response to the Viking threat. The Anglo Saxon Chronicle simply records for AD 907: “Here Chester restored.” 

Return to the city walls by going up the steps at Newgate and follow the walkway in a northerly direction to return to Eastgate. Leave the walls here and walk along Eastgate Street into the centre of this historic city.

Newgate

17. The Rows
You soon come to the intersection of the four main streets, Watergate Street, Northgate Street, Bridge Street and Eastgate Street, which meet at the High Cross. These four streets follow the alignment of the original Roman roads running through the camp at Deva from the fortress gates, the cross-road is offset at what was the site of the Roman Principia, the administrative centre, stretching from St Peter's church to the Market Hall.

Radiating from the cross road along each of these street are tall timber framed black and white buildings, known as ‘The Rows’, one of the most distinctive architectural features of Chester that have existed at least since the late 13th century, but today most of these are Victorian or later faced with mock Tudor woodwork.

The Rows are a unique system of covered walkways on the first floor with some of the best shops in the city and commercial properties on two levels. They are open to the street on one side and the levels can be reached from stairs at ground level. Further shops are on the ground level.

Many of the buildings in the Rows were constructed with stone undercrofts beneath, known locally as ‘crypts’, above this most of the buildings in the Rows were constructed of timber. Their precise origins are unknown, yet they appear to have been built directly on top of the remains of the Roman fortress; several of the buildings in Chester city centre have Roman architecture in their cellars. For example, 39 Bridge Street has the remains of a Roman hypercaust in its cellar and in the basement of The Pret a Manger on Northgate Street are huge sandstone pillar bases that supported the roof of the Principia. 

Bishop Lloyd’s Palace
Perhaps the most famous building of the Chester Rows is Bishop Lloyd's Palace, 41 Watergate Street, one of the oldest buildings on the historic Rows. Once described as the best house in Chester, Bishop Lloyd's Palace is an early 17th Century timber-framed building, a listed Grade 1 building with fine carvings on the gable elevations and at Row level.  The interior includes a magnificent period piece fireplace and high decorated plaster ceilings.

The building incorporates a section of the Chester Rows on the first floor with meeting rooms and the headquarters of Chester Civic Trust above. The house has been associated with George Lloyd, Bishop of Chester 1605-1615. Lloyd was consecrated bishop of Sodor and Man in 1600, but he exchanged the see for Chester in 1604 where he reversed the anti-Puritan policy of Richard Vaughan, his predecessor.

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