Showing posts with label Æthelflæd. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Æthelflæd. Show all posts

Tuesday, 18 July 2023

The Fortress Kingdom

The Wars of Æthelflæd and Edward the Elder, 899–927
Paul Hill

In the first book of a four part series The Kingdom of the Anglo-Saxons: The Wars of King Alfred 865-899 (March 2022) by author Paul Hill investigated the tactics of 9th century warfare which changed in Alfred’s time in response to the devastation of the Danish invasions from set-piece battles to a grander network of fortifications, known as burhs.

The burh had been a successful instrument of war during the Mercian domination of the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy in England, c.716 and c.825, known as the Mercian Supremacy. It is without doubt that Alfred adopted this policy from the Mercians.

The success of Alfred's strategy led to the recovery of Wessex but to obtain peace with the Danes he had to accept partition of the country and cede a large part of the country in the creation of the Danelaw in a boundary roughly from London to the Wirral.


Following Alfred's passing his daughter Æthelflæd and eldest son Edward strove to recover the Danelaw through expansion of this network of fortifications throughout Mercia and the East Midlands. Paul Hill’s latest book, and second in the series, The Fortress Kingdom is the story of Æthelflæd and Edward's wars against the Danes.

Alfred’s daughter Æthelflæd and her husband Æthelred, Lord of the Mercians, commissioned the construction of a series of strongholds from 907, if not earlier. Æthelflæd and Æthelred established a network of burhs (fortified enclosures) across English Mercia in the west while the Danes held eastern Mercian under the Danelaw.

Archaeological evidence suggests a network of major royal settlements that were substantially fortified in the 8th and early 9th centuries were rebuilt in the late-9th and early-10th centuries by Æthelred and Æthelflæd, and continued by the Lady of the Mercians alone following Æthelred’s death in 911. In this process they were joined after the death of King Alfred by his eldest son Edward the Elder, brother of Æthelflæd.

Some burhs may have been purely military in character, and the struggle to locate them today suggests they did not develop beyond the wars of Æthelflæd. However, during the 10th and 11th centuries many of these burhs developed into boroughs with an urban character, as is the case with the five shire towns.

The five boroughs of of Danish Mercia were crucially important to the existence of the Danelaw with the five towns of Leicester, Nottingham, Derby, Stamford and Lincoln firmly under the control of the Vikings by the 9th century.

The Mercian Register (Annals of Æthelflæd) records that in 917 Æthelflæd took possession of the stronghold of Derby. By 918 Æthelflæd had made further in-roads into the The Five Boroughs and took control the stronghold of Leicester and ejected the raiding-parties there. It seems York was her next target, as the Register records the people there had pledged their allegiance to the Lady of the Mercians, but 12 days before mid-summer she suddenly died at Tamworth.

By the time that Æthelflæd died at Tamworth in 918, the task of subduing the Danes in Mercia was nearing completion. After his sister’s death Edward moved quickly to extend his overlordship of Mercia into direct rule.

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In 2018 I ran a series of articles on this blogsite to commemorate the 1100th anniversary of the death of Æthelflæd, the lady of the Mercians. [See: Æthelflæd & the Vikings ]

Several books were published around the same time to mark this very special lady: Founder, Fighter, Saxon Queen by Margaret C Jones; Æthelflæd by Tim Clarkson; The Warrior Queen-The Life and Legend of Æthelflæd by Joanna Arman; Mercia-The Rise and Fall of a Kingdom by Annie Whitehead; and Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians by David Horovitz. Brief mention was made of Æthelflæd: England’s Forgotten Founder by Tom Holland due publication 2019.

Whereas it is no longer my intention to provide book reviews on this blogsite, I want to mention this book by Paul Hill as an important addition to the bibliography of Æthelflæd, the Lady of the Mercians:


The Fortress Kingdom
The Wars of Æthelflæd and Edward the Elder, 899–927
By Paul Hill
Pen & Sword Military
ISBN: 9781399010610
Published: 4th October 2022

From the publisher:
"In this the second part of his four-volume military and political history of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom, Paul Hill follows the careers of Æthelflæd, Alfred the Great’s eldest daughter, and Edward the Elder, Alfred’s eldest son, as they campaigned to expand their rule after Alfred’s death. They faced, as Alfred had done, the full force of Danish hostility during the early years of the tenth century, a period of unrelenting turbulence and open warfare. But through their military strength, in particular their strategy of fortress building, they retained their hold on the kingdom and conquered lands which had been under Danish lords for generations.

"Æthelflæd’s forces captured Derby and Leicester by both force and diplomacy. Edward’s power was always immense. How each of them used forts (burhs) to hold territory, is explored. Fortifications across central England became key. These included Bridgnorth, Tamworth, Stafford, Warwick, Chirbury and Runcorn (Æthelflæd) and also Hertford, Witham, Buckingham, Bedford and Maldon (Edward), to name a few."


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Saturday, 15 December 2018

Aethelflaed - Tim Clarkson


Aethelflaed: The Lady of the Mercians 
Tim Clarkson
Published by John Donald (an imprint of Birlinn), 7th June, 2018
Paperback, 256 pages.

From the publisher:
“At the end of the ninth century AD, a large part of what is now England was controlled by the Vikings - heathen warriors from Scandinavia who had been attacking the British Isles for more than a hundred years. Alfred the Great, king of Wessex, was determined to regain the conquered lands but his death in 899 meant that the task passed to his son Edward. In the early 900s, Edward led a great fightback against the Viking armies. He was assisted by the English rulers of Mercia: Lord AEthelred and his wife AEthelflaed (Edward's sister).

"After her husband's death, AEthelflaed ruled Mercia on her own, leading the army to war and working with her brother to achieve their father's aims. Known to history as the Lady of the Mercians, she earned a reputation as a competent general and was feared by her enemies. She helped to save England from the Vikings and is one of the most famous women of the Dark Ages. This book, published 1100 years after her death, tells her remarkable story.”

Contents:
1. Introduction
2. Kingdoms
3. Princess
4. A New Mercia
5. Kinsmen
6. Losses and Gains
7. Frontierlands
8. The Final Years
9. Niece and Uncle
10. Legacy

Tim Clarkson’s latest book was published just before the 1,100th anniversary of the death of  Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians at Tamworth, twelve days before midsummer, 918. My copy arrived from the publisher in the summer, with no obligation, however, I must apologise for this late review.

Clarkson’s previous six books, The Picts, Strathclyde and the Anglo Saxons, Scotland’s Merlin, Columba, The Makers of Scotland, The Men of the North, have been highly detailed accounts of the subject matter, concentrating on early medieval Scotland. For Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians, he ventures south into the realm of Anglo Saxon Mercia and the story of its remarkable warrior queen. This is another highly detailed account, no stone is left unturned in his pursuit of the full story of Aethelflaed and the struggle against the Vikings.

Clarkson discusses the deficiencies of the sources in the first chapter, but where the sources leave gaps, and in Aethelflaed’s story there are plenty, Clarkson discusses the possible outcomes without delving into wild imaginative speculation. The second chapter sets the scene, discussing the origins and relationships between Mercia and Wessex and the arrival of the Danish Vikings.

The book follows Aethelflaed’s story in chronological order with the bulk of the book, chapters 3-7 dealing with her life, commencing with her birth in the late 860s, the oldest child of Alfred the Great, her name meaning “noble beauty”, childhood and her wedding to Aethelred, Lord of the Mercians in the 880s. Chapter 4, subtitled ‘Women and power’ starts with Mercian Queens who enjoyed a higher profile than their counterparts in Wessex. This would be to Aethelflaed’s advantage when her husband died in 911 and she ruled the Midland kingdom alone.

Chapter 4, ‘A New Mercia’, details Mercian successes on the battlefield against the Vikings at Buttington and Chester before examining the refortifications at Worcester, Gloucester and London, concluding with her father, Alfred’s death in 899. The next chapter continues with rebuilding Mercia with the burhs at Shrewsbury, the arrival of the Irish-Viking Ingimund and the restoration of Chester. Chapter 6 continues with burh building and Aethelred’s passing.

Chapters 7 and 8 cover the period of her widowhood and the height of her military career in the conflict with the Vikings. Clarkson suggests that Aethelflaed constructed the burh at Chirbury in response to tensions with Mercia’s old enemy, the Welsh.

In June 916 an abbot called Ecgberht was slain for reasons unknown. This would appear to be the same clergyman who had witnessed a charter issued at the burh at Weardbyrig (location unknown) the year before, perhaps indicating he was a close associate of Aethelflaed. Three days after his death the Mercians ventured into south-east Wales and attacked the royal site, the ‘crannog’ on Llangorse Lake (Brecananmere) in the kingdom of Brycheiniog. The king was not at home but his wife and thirty-four others were taken captive back to Mercia.

Clarkson suggests the raid on Llangorse Lake may have been more than a simple revenge attack for the murder of Ecgberht. In the 880s the kingdom of Brycheiniog had promised allegiance and submission to King Alfred of Wessex for protection from the North Welsh kingdom of Gwynedd. A decade later Brycheiniog had been among a number of Welsh kingdoms ravaged by Vikings encamped on the bank of the River Severn at Bridgnorth. This was clearly Mercian territory and may have resulted in a switch of allegiance to Aethelred and Aetheflaed for their support, yet Alfred’s son Edward may have not have recognised Brycheiniog’s switch of allegiance.

In 914 when a Viking fleet sailed into the Severn estuary, raiding up the Wye and taking the bishop of Llandaff hostage, King Edward of Wessex intervened to safeguard his release. Clarkson sees this as the act of an overlord stepping-in on behalf of a subordinate kingdom and the possibility that the Mercian attack on Llangorse in 916 and the taking of royal hostages as an act of restoring Mercian dominance over Brycheiniog. The episode suggests growing tensions with her brother Edward.

Aethelflaed was now at the peak of her power, she had refortified Mercia and was now pushing into the Danelaw. In 917 she took Derby, the following year Leicester and York submitted peacefully, probably to avoid conflict with the Mercian military machine.

But by June that year Aethelflaed was dead. The Anglo Saxon Chronicle tells us she died at Tamworth without divulging any further information. The Winchester version, or ‘A’ text, of the Chronicle makes a rare mention of Athelflaed, stating “[Edward's] sister Æthelflæd at Tamworth departed twelve days before midsummer;”

Aethelred and Aethelflaed had only one child from their marriage, a daughter named Aelfwynn (meaning ‘Elf-friend’). If this had been a son, succession after Aethelred’s death would have been straightforward for Mercia but would have created complications for Wessex and a united England which brings us to chapter 9; ‘Niece and Uncle.

The ‘A’ text continues, “...and then he [Edward] rode and took the stronghold of Tamworth, and all the nation of the land of Mercia that was earlier subject to Æthelflæd turned to him......”

Here, Clarkson tells us, the West Saxon chronicler has compressed a series of events into one short entry to deliberately avoid the political uncertainty created by Aethelflaed’s death. Whereas the author of the Mercian Register writes:

“Here also was the daughter of Aethelred, Lord of the Mercians, deprived of all authority in Mercia, and she was taken to Wessex three weeks before midwinter. She was called Aelfwynn.”

Clarkson notes the omission in the ‘A’ text of any reference to Aelfwynn’s authority over the Mercians, the West Saxon author implying that there was a swift transition from Aethelflaed to Edward. Admitting there is clearly bias on both sides, Clarkson ponders whether Edward’s takeover was welcomed by the Mercian elite, and if Aethelflaed herself had favoured the likelihood of a formal union of Wessex and Mercia following her passing?

Clarkson goes on to discuss these matters and the fate of Aelfwynn, the 'Second Lady of the Mercians' and suggests that Aethelflaed envisaged her daughter continuing her role as the sole ruler of Mercia, citing the immediate transfer of authority in June as evidence of this. He adds that the charter witnessed at Weardbyrig by Aelfwynn in 915 as evidence that Aethelflaed was raising the profile of her daughter while she gained experience of government in readiness to succeed her mother. Certainly the Mercian attack on Brycheiniog suggests Aethelflaed did not consider herself as subordinate to her brother Edward, and, significantly just before her death she had obtained the submission of York, the rulers of Northern England.

Clarkson argues that Edward could not have removed Aelfwynn without support from some Mercian factions. Perhaps this is correct but rather tellingly Edward’s reign would come to an end as he attempted to put down a Mercian uprising by the men of Chester in 924. Whatever the truth of Aelfwynn’s deposition, and its place leading up the unification of England, it is a fascinating episode worthy of further study.

The final chapter ‘Legacy’ details how we remember Aethelflaed today and how her profile has steadily grown over the last fifty years or so through academic journals and the writers of historical fiction. Finally, Clarkson recalls places we can see evidence of Aethelflaed from Runcorn in north Mercia to Gloucester in the south. And who could disagree with the author in his claim that the most recognisable modern image of Aethelflaed is the figure on top of the pillar at Tamworth Castle, sword in one hand, the other around her foster son, the young Aethelstan, first king of all England.




If you read just one book on Aethelflaed it has to be this, full of detail this must be the definitive study on the Mercian Queen. Highly recommended.



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Monday, 10 December 2018

Founder, Figher, Saxon Queen

Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians
Margaret C Jones


From the publisher:
“Alfred the Great s daughter defied all expectations of a well-bred Saxon princess. The first Saxon woman ever to rule a kingdom, Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians, led her army in battle against Viking invaders. She further broke with convention by arranging for her daughter to succeed her on the throne of Mercia. To protect her people and enable her kingdom in the Midlands to prosper, Aethelflaed rebuilt Chester and Gloucester, and built seven entirely new English towns. In so doing she helped shape our world today. This book brings Aethelflaed's world to life, from her childhood in time of war to her remarkable work as ruler of Mercia. The final chapter traces her legend, from medieval paintings to novels and contemporary art, illustrating the impact of a legacy that continues to be felt to this day.”




This year has been the 1,100th anniversary of the death of Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians, on 12th June 918 at Tamworth. The celebration of this remarkable warrior queen who fought the Vikings and won has seen several good books published over the last couple of years, where previously there was very little. This book is an easy, enjoyable read, aimed at the general audience and a welcome addition to the few accounts of Aethelfaled available.

This book Founder, Fighter, Saxon Queen: Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians by Margaret C Jones was published (Pen & Sword History) on 3rd August 2018 just after the celebrations at Gloucester and Tamworth during the summer came to end. However, the author delivered talks on the Saxon Queen at both Tamworth and Gloucester during July as part of the Aethelflaed 1100 celebrations.

The Preface discusses the problem of source material for Aethelflaed with Jones briefly reviewing the secondary sources, which until very recently consisted just of the works of FT Wainwright, Jane Wolfe and Don Stansbury, and up to date with last year’s contribution from Joanna Arman. Jones is surely correct when she states that Michael Wood's 2013 documentary for the BBC King Alfred and the Anglo Saxons, screened at the time that both Stafford and Tamworth celebrated 1,100 years since their foundation, has done more to raise the profile of the Lady of the Mercians with the general public “than a thousand printed pages”.

The first three chapters, A Wartime Childhood, Aethelflaed and her Sisters, Marriage, and the sixth chapter, Alfred’s Daughter, centres on her family and influences that moulded the personality of the young woman who was to become known as the Lady of the Mercians. This title alone underlines the fact that this princess from Wessex won over the hearts of the Mercians.

The middle section of the book, chapters Remaking Mercia and Lady of the Church, focuses on Aethelflaed’s achievements in Mercia, re-fortifying towns as burhs and building new, many went on to become urban centres. The cult of Royal Saints was an important part of Anglo Saxon religious belief but were also promoted for political reasons; in her new towns Aethelflaed introduced new cults: St Bertelin (Beorhthelm) at Stafford and Runcorn; St Werburgh at Chester; St Oswald at Gloucester; St Alkmund at Shrewsbury.

Chapter Seven returns to her family with Aethelflaed’s (Missing) Daughter and a discussion of her aspirations for her daughter and successor Aelfwynn. Yet, the reign of the Second Lady of the Mercians was short-lived. Just six months after her mother’s death at Tamworth in June, King Edward (The Elder) rode into Mercia and led her away into Wessex and she simply disappeared from the historical record. We know not of her fate.

The final chapter, Legacy and Legend, discusses how we remember Aethelflaed today, from medieval art to the subject of recent novels. Whereas the modern view tends to follow her near contemporary chroniclers in focusing on Aethelflaed’s military role as a Warrior Queen in support her brother Edward, Jones draws attention to the view that she pursued policies to make Mercia more independent from Wessex. Jones sees this bid for independence as a major factor in Edward’s prompt removal of Aelfwynn following Aethelflaed’s death. Edward’s relations with Mercia were clearly not good; in 1924 he died at Farndon on the Dee after putting down a rebellion at Chester.

The author closes with a summation of sites where you can find evidence of Aethelflaed’s work in the towns of the Midlands.

This book contains much useful information and discussion on the Mercian Queen. However, there are just a couple of little niggles. Owing to the lack of primary source material on Aethelflaed the author occasionally inserts “imagined short scenes”, as she calls them, to “evoke key moments” of her life. These conjectured interjections are unnecessary and detract from the value of the book as a serious composition.

Secondly, in a couple of places (Preface and Acknowledgements) the author refers to “The Making of Aethelflaed”. As these sections are usually written after completion of the main text I can only assume this was to be the original title for Jones' book which should have been updated by the editor before going to print as “Founder, Fighter, Saxon Queen”.


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Saturday, 8 December 2018

The Uncrowned Queen: A Biography

“The success of Edward’s campaigns against the Danes depended to a great extent upon her co-operation. In the midlands and the north she came to dominate the political scene. And the way she used her influence helped to make possible the unification of England under kings of the West Saxon royal house. But her reputation has suffered from bad publicity, or rather from a conspiracy of silence among her West Saxon contemporaries.” - FT Wainwright, Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians.


Scandinavian England
Academic articles aside, until very recently there was very little information available for general readership regarding Æthelflæd, the Lady of the Mercians, Queen in all but name, and her role in the recovery of the Danelaw from the Vikings went relatively unnoticed; most sources credited the success of the Viking Wars to her father King Alfred the Great and her brother Edward the Elder.

An article by Frederick Threlfall Wainwright (1917 – 1961) in 1959 was the first to highlight Æthelflæd’s part in recovering Mercia: “Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians” in The Anglo-Saxons: Studies in Some Aspects of their History and Culture Presented to Bruce Dickins, ed. Peter Clemoes (Bowes and Bowes, 1959).

This article was published posthumously in 1975, with a collection of other significant articles by Wainwright in “Scandinavian England” (Phillimore) edited by Herbert (HPR) Finberg, highlighting the Scandinavian settlement of north-west England, which Wainwright saw as nothing less than a mass migration. Using place name evidence and O’Donovan’s 1860 translation of the Three Fragments he brought Ingimund’s story and the invasion of the Irish-Vikings in the north-west of England out from the shadows.

Other significant articles in Scandinavian England include: North-West Mercia AD 871-924 (1942); Ingimund’s Invasion (1948); The Scandinavians in Lancashire (1945). Sadly this collection does not include Wainwright’s article ‘The Chronology of the Mercian Register' (The English Historical Review, Volume LX, Issue CCXXXVIII, 1 September 1945, Pages 385–392), however, although now out of print this book should be in the library of anyone with an interest in Æthelflæd and the Viking Age in Britain.

The Lady who Fought the Vikings

After Wainwright there was no further popular works on Æthelflæd published for nearly another 20 years. ‘The Lady who Fought the Vikings’ (Imogen Books, 1993) by Don Stansbury received mixed reviews on publication, he was accused of being over creative and story telling in his efforts to reconstruct the life and times of Æthelflæd. Yet, it must be admitted there is very little historical information available on her and her husband, Æthelred, Ealdorman of Mercia.

Stansbury spends the first half of the book setting the scene and filling in the background to the Viking Wars, a period largely dominated by King Alfred and his construction of burhs in Wessex. This is not surprising as the primary text of the Anglo Saxon Chronicle, our main source for the period, was written in Winchester, the ‘A’ text, at the direction of Alfred himself we are led to believe. To that we can add Asser’s biography of the king and the list of burhs in Wessex (The Burghal Hidage) produced some years after Alfred’s death, 911-914.

Much of the first half of Asser’s Life of King Alfred is based on the entries in the Anglo Saxon Chronicle up to 887 and fails to record the battles with the Vikings in the 890s or the death of the king in 899 and was probably left unfinished.

Stanbury heavily references Asser’s work, it certainly is not much use to us in constructing an account of Æthelflæd and merely tells us she was Alfred’s oldest child who married Æthelred and the Mercian Viking conflict up to the division of the kingdom in 874. Stansbury makes no mention of The Chronicle of Aethelweard, edited by Alistair Campbell in 1962, essentially a Latin translation of a lost early version of the Anglo Saxon Chronicle.

However, that said there is very little primary source material available for Æthelflæd; her history is entirely absent from the 'A' text of the Anglo Saxon Chronicle which simply records her death in 918. Aethelweard does not include much information on Æthelflæd either; following the Winchester version of the Chronicle he merely mentions her passing and burial at Gloucester. So we find most of our primary Anglo Saxon sources silent on the achievements of the Lady of the Mercians.

Stansbury, like most commentators on the Æthelflæd story, is forced to rely on secondary sources, with the key text being Wainwright’s 1959 article. Yet, a series of entries found in alternative copies of the Anglo Saxon Chronicle, the 'B', 'C' and 'D' texts, focusing on the years spanning 902 to 924 termed 'The Mercian Register', or 'Annals of Æthelflæd' tells the story of the 'Lady of the Mercians' (Myrcna hlæfdige).

Stansbury spends some time discussing Gloucester and Worcester, perhaps the two key sites in Æthelflæd's story. He then moves onto ‘Defending the North’ detailing the burh at Shrewsbury in 901, an episode often ignored, and the translation of the obscure Anglo Saxon Saint Alkmund. He then moves onto Chester and the arrival of Ingimund in 902. Before concluding Stansbury discusses the Æthelflædian burhs at Bremesburh, Scergeat, Bridgnorth, Tamworth, Stafford, Eddisbury and Warwick before a brief analysis of the last three burhs constructed in 915 at Chirbury, Weardburh and Runcorn. Now that the Mercian borders were secure Æthelflæd turned to the recovery of the Danelaw working in conjunction with her brother Edward, launching attacks into the Danelaw from the Mercian burhs. In 917 Derby submitted, followed in 918 by Leicester and York.

Stansbury closes with Æthelflæd’s death 12 days before midsummer at Tamworth and a brief mention of Edward taking her successor and daughter Ælfwynn into Wessex three weeks before Christmas before summing up Edward’s recovery of the Danelaw and then the ascension of Æthelstan, the first king of all England, who as a boy was fostered at the Mercian court by Æthelflæd. And that is Æthelflæd’s story.

Stansbury’s book was the first full biography of Æthelflæd; in essence the story hasn’t changed in subsequent accounts although modern scholarship has produced more detail, particularly on the archaeology of the Mercian burhs.

Aethelflaed: Royal Lady, War Lady
Eight years after Stansbury’s book Fenris Press published a little book of just 35 pages by Jane Wolfe entitled ‘Aethelflaed: Royal Lady, War Lady’ (2001), “aimed at the general reader, to give Æthelflæd the place in history that she clearly deserves.

Wolfe’s all too brief account tells the story of Æthelflæd and how she built or refortified 10 defensive burhs to protect Mercia against the Vikings and includes the raid into Wales in 916 in retaliation for the murder of an Abbot. The booklet includes a map of the Boundaries of Mercia, Wessex and the Danelaw C. 900, and a Plan of Chester in the 10th century. Appendices include Æthelflæd's Burhs and Genealogy of the Kings of Wessex.

From a limited print run this rare booklet has obtained cult status and now as rare as finding Unicorn doodah in your garden! Grab a copy if you get chance.

England's Forgotten Queen
These three books were all the popular reader had since Wainwright’s article  Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians back in 1959. With so little primary source material available and author’s often accused of conjecture and story telling to fill out the gaps perhaps fiction is the best way to reconstruct the story of Aethelflaed?


At the turn of the 21st century the writers of historical fiction turned their attention to Æthelflæd’s story with Bernard Cornwell producing The Last Kingdom (2005) series telling the tale of Alfred the Great and his descendants (Aethelflaed features in Book 4, Sword Song, 2007), now a major television series available on Netflix, and Annie Whitehead’s novel To Be A Queen (2013)  said to be the true story of Aethelflaed, the Lady of the Mercians, to name just two of many.


2017 saw the publication of two new historical works: The Warrior Queen: The Life and Legend of Æthelflæd, Daughter of Alfred the Great by Joanna Arman and Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians: The battle of Tettenhall 910AD; and other West Mercian studies by David Horovitz.

I first came across David Horovitz in researching the Stafford place name. His book on Æthelflæd is over 700 pages long and not a quick read, but it is full of very detailed information. Arman’s debut book is aimed more at the general reader and has received excellent reviews and is highly recommended.


2018 saw the Æthelflæd 1100 celebrations marking 1,100 years since her death at Tamworth which no doubt inspired the production of two further historical works: Æthelflæd: Lady of the Mercians by Tim Clarkson and Founder, Fighter, Saxon Queen: Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians by Margaret C Jones. It seems the forgotten story of the Uncrowned Mercian Queen is finally getting out there and this remarkable Lady is now getting the recognition for her decisive part in the fight against the Vikings.

Perhaps aware of the gap in the market with the unavailability of Jane Wolfe’s  booklet, in February 2019 Penguin are due to publish Æthelflæd: England’s Forgotten Founder by Tom Holland. This little book (around 50 pages) is part of the new Ladybird Expert Series which retain the classic Ladybird style that anyone as old as me will remember from early school days. These Ladybird books were often the very first books we, and then our children, came across with a page of (large) text and pictures opposite. The publisher claims the books are the “same iconic small hardback format, artwork is gloriously retro, echoing the original Ladybird style but containing completely up to date information designed for an adult readership”.


Holland recently wrote on Æthelstan (2016) for the Penguin Monarchs series; the new book promises to tell the epic history of England's forgotten Queen, pulling her out of the shadowy history of the dark ages.


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Friday, 16 November 2018

Irish Vikings: The Dark Foreigners of Dublin

The Mercian burhs: Chester

Part II

The Coming of the Dark Foreigners 
The Annals of Ulster record the first Viking raids on Ireland in the year 795, just two years after the well known attack on Lindisfarne on the north-east coast of England, with the burning of “Rechru by the gentiles”. Rechru has been identified as Rathlin Island off the north coast of County Antrim. Further raids in 795 are reported on the west coast of Ireland at Inishmurray and Inishbofin, followed by the burning of St Patrick's Isle (Holmpatrick) and the destruction of the shrine of Do-Chonna in 798.

These early raids on Ireland were likely connected to Viking raids on the west coast of Scotland  and probably associated with the same group who attacked Lindisfarne, and the earliest recorded attack on England in 789 on Portland in which the king's reeve was killed.

In the 820's raids increased on Ireland's coast by Scandinavian groups termed by the annalists as either 'gaill' (foreigners) or 'gennti' (gentiles). During the 830's attacks recorded throughout eastern and central Ireland became more furious; monasteries at Armagh, Glendalough and Kildare were repeatedly attacked on more than one occasion in the same year.  By now there was greater emphasis on inland rather than coastal raiding with the Vikings becoming involved with internal conflicts within Ireland, often employed as mercenaries or allies.

The Dublin longphort
Large raiding parties such as the sixty longships recorded on the Liffey and Boyne in 837 could only have been sustained by overwintering groups on semi-permanent camps probably on off-shore islands. The earliest recorded Viking land base in Ireland was at Inber Dea in County Wicklow from which the raid on Kildare in 836 was launched. By the 840's the Vikings were establishing permanent camps at strategic locations on rivers and loughs. In 841 Dublin is described as a “longphort” (Old Irish: ship-fortress); with other settlements at Lough Neagh (841), Lough Swilly (842), Rosnaree (842), Limerick (845), Cork (848), and Waterford (860).

The location of the longphort at Dublin has remained a matter of debate among scholars, yet the Annals of Ulster record the site as Dubh-linn, i.e. the 'black pool'. Griffiths states this is possibly the former dark pool in the river Poddle, at its confluence with the Liffey, which would have formed a natural harbour. Excavations have revealed evidence of pre-917 (the date the Viking's re-founded Dublin) Scandinavian houses and animal pens at the confluence of the Poddle and Liffey.  However, no 9th century defences have been found for the longphort. Griffiths suggests the site of Dublin Castle, built by King John of England, overlooking the black pool, where excavations have uncovered evidence of later Viking defences, seems the most obvious location.

Dynastic struggles were prevalent among the Viking settlers as well as the native Irish groups during the 840's. After a series of defeats at the hands of the Irish, the Dubhlinn longphort was attacked in 849 by Máel Sechnaill, high king of Ireland aided by the chieftain Tigernach mac Fócartai. In 851 the annalists record the first appearance of the “Dubgaill” or “Dubgenti” (Dark Foreigners, or Dark Gentiles) in the following entry:

“The dark gentiles (Dubh gennti) came to Áth Cliath (Dublin), made great slaughter of the fair foreigners (Finn gaill), and plundered the longphort; the dark heathens then made a raid on Linn Duachaill where many were slaughtered”.

The descriptions of the heathens or foreigners as 'dark' and 'fair' (often interpreted as 'black' or 'white') is used in both Ireland and Britain during the Viking age has nothing to do with black men apparently taken from North Africa by the Vikings; although undeniably during the Viking age Dublin was a major economy in the trade of “thralls” or slaves. As we saw in the burh at Shrewsbury the Welsh Annals record engagements with “black gentiles” in Anglesey and Gwynedd and the presence of “pagans” in the land of the Wreocensæte during the mid-9th century. There can be little doubt that these Viking groups raiding into Wales and the Marches were from Scandinavian settlements in Ireland.

For many years these terms were used to describe different ethnic groups among the Scandinavian settlers, distinguishing Dane from Norwegian; the historian Alfred Smyth argued for the dark Danes of York and the fair Norsemen of the Western Isles. David Dumville has since argued for the term ‘dark foreigners’ used to describe a new batch of Vikings arriving in Ireland in the 850's; the terms used by the annalists to distinguish between 'old' and 'new'. Clare Downham takes this a step further and suggests that the 'dark foreigners' were the dynasty of Ivar who attacked the Dublin longphort in 851.



A fleet of 140 longships sailed up the Liffey and into Dubhlinn, said to have been sent by the King of Laithlinn “to exact obedience from the foreigners who were in Ireland before them”.

These dark foreigners from Laithlinn (Norway?) imposed their rule on the fair foreigners of the Dublin longphort and gained submission from the Irish in 853. They were led by the son of the kings of Laithlinn known as Olafr (Old Irish; Amlaib) and his brothers Ivarr (OI; Imair) who would go on to create a great dynasty in York and Dublin, and Auisle (OI; Ásl).

Olafr would soon come into conflict with Máel Sechnaill throughout the late 850's and early 860's. During this period the annalists introduced a name for another group, the 'Gallgoidil', fighting alongside Máel Sechnaill against the forces of Olafr and Ivarr. Historians have debated the enigmatic Gallgoidil (foreigner gaels) for many years; it appears to have been a term used by the annalists to distinguish a mixed-race group, from either the dark gentiles or the fair foreigners. They were possibly descendants of the first Norse settlers in Ireland in the 840's who had taken Irish wives.

Raids in to Wales
Having taken over the longphort it wasn't long before the Dark Gentiles of Dubhlinn started venturing eastward across the Irish Sea, taking their unique brand of violence with them; Anglesey was a short day's sail away, and the river Ribble was the most direct route to York. And the old walled Roman city of Chester sat invitingly at the mouth of the river Dee.

Shortly after the arrival of the sons of the king of Laithlinn in Dubhlinn, Dark Gentiles are recorded in north Wales. The Welsh Annals record that Cynin (of Powys) died fighting “the gentiles” (Vikings) in 850. In 854  “Y Llu Du” (the Black Host) attacked Môn (Anglesey). The following year, 855,  “Black Gentiles” attacked Gwynedd, their leader Gorm was slain by Rhodri Mawr, ruler of Gwynedd (844-78). Gorm [Orm] is recorded fighting in Ireland in the 850’s.

The Dynasty of Ivarr (Uí (h)Ímair; literally the grandsons of Ivarr) was a royal Norse dynasty which went on to rule much of the Irish Sea region from the mid 9th century; the Kingdom of Dubhlinn, the western coast of Scotland, including the Hebrides, and parts of north-west England.

The expulsion from Dublin c.902 
However, the rule of the Dark Gentiles in Dubhlinn came to a devastating end in 902 when they were attacked by the Irish kings Cerball mac Muirecáin King of Leinster and Máel Findia mac Flannacáin King of Brega from the north and the south, driving the Vikings out of the  longphort, leaving “great numbers of their ships behind them, and escaped half-dead across the sea."

Having been expelled from Dublin in 902, the descendants of Ivarr moved their base to the Isle of Man and soon started making inroads into north-west England. Yet, in 914 the Vikings would return to Ireland, marking the beginning of the Second Viking Age.

That year a force Viking longships sailed into the estuary of the River Severn pillaging south Wales. Repelled by the men of Hereford and Gloucester  the Viking fleet made no further progress upstream and turned back. In the Autumn the Vikings sailed to Waterford harbour in Ireland. They promptly re-captured their settlement of Vadrefjord [Waterford] from which the Irish had expelled the first Vikings half a century earlier. By 917 the Vikings had re-captured the longphort at Dubhlinn.


>> Continued in Part III: Ingimund's Invasion


Sources:
Clare Downham, Viking Kings of Britain and Ireland, Dunedin, 2007.
David Griffiths, Vikings of the Irish Sea, History Press, 2010.
Alfred Smyth, The Black Foreigners of York and White Foreigners of Dublin, Saga Book of the Viking Society 19, 1977.
David Dumville, Old Dubliners and New Dubliners in Ireland and Britain, Medieval Dublin VI, 2005.


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Friday, 31 August 2018

Alfred's Burhs

The Viking Wars
The Mercian Register records the construction of 10 fortifications by Æthelflæd, the Lady of the Mercians, commencing with Bremesburh in 910 and finishing with Runcorn five years later, in response to attacks by the Vikings. In addition Æthelflæd restored Chester in 907 and Shrewsbury in 901. Along with her husband, Æthelred, Lord of the Mercians, they restored fortifications at Worcester, Gloucester and Hereford as part of a Mercian revival. Possibly originating from the land of the Hwicce, Æthelred emerges from the shadows as ruler of English Mercia following the death of Ceolwulf II in 879.

There were few coastlines in western Europe that did not experience the violent raids of the Norsemen in the late 8th century. The Viking Age is a allotted a timespan of 793 to 1066, the raid on Lindisfarne to the Norman Conquest. In England the first encounter with seaborne raiders from Scandinavian is recorded in the Anglo Saxon Chronicle in 787 at Portland. However, it seems these raids had started well before they were first recorded as Offa, king of Mercia (757-796), was constructing coastal defences in the later part of his reign.

(Source: Wikimedia Commons)

Then the Vikings changed tact; the Great Heathen Army, a mixed Scandinavian army drawn from Denmark, Norway and Sweden, arrived in England in 865, no longer was their strategy to raid and pillage, now in much larger numbers they were intent on conquest and would focus on the Anglo Saxon kingdoms one after the other. After landing in East Anglia they overwintered at Thetford, unchallenged, before attacking York in 866. Seemingly able to roam around the country unhindered, they then marched on Mercia and wintered at Nottingham in 868. The Mercian's agreed terms and the Army returned to York. In 869 they went back to East Anglian, murdering King Edmund and overwintered into 870. The following year they headed for Wessex and engaged in nine battles, resulting in just one English victory, the Battle of Ashdown. Berkshire. Alfred became king of Wessex that year after his brother Ethelred died following the battle of Merton.

As the youngest of five brothers Alfred was never destined to be king. Born in 849 at Wantage, the youngest son of King Æthelwulf of Wessex, he seemed destined for an ecclesiastical role, at the age of 5 he had been taken to Rome and confirmed by Pope Leo IV. He was a student of books and credited with initiating the production of the Anglo Saxon Chronicle.

The Danes appear to have lost interest in Wessex and after overwintering at London 871-72 headed for York the following year. After overwintering at Torksey 872-73 they then moved to Repton in Derbyshire on the river Trent. Overwinter 873-74 they dug in and fortified this settlement with the church of St Wystan, desecrating the Royal Mercian mausoleum, centred in the ditch and rampart. It would appear the Vikings had a rough time during their stay at Repton; excavations on the site have revealed several single burials and a mass burial containing the remains of at least 264 people. With no evidence of weapon trauma they probably died of disease.

In 874 they attacked and destroyed the Mercian Royal palace at Tamworth, said to have then lain in ruins until restored by Æthelflæd, the Lady of the Mercians, forty years later. Burgred, the king of Mercia, fled to Rome, driven out of the kingdom by the Vikings who installed Ceolwulf, described by the Chronicle as “a foolish king's thegn”, a puppet king who swore oaths to them. Presumably Ceolwulf's dominion was reduced to western Mercia, as the eastern half was now ruled solely by the Danes.

In less than 10 years of the arrival of the Great Army in England three of the four Anglo Saxon kingdoms had now fallen; Edmund of East Anglia had been murdered, Northumbria conquered, and Mercia split in two; English Mercia being reduced to Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire and Shropshire. The Vikings now set their sights back on Wessex again. But the heathens made a grave tactical error; the army, reduced in numbers from disease during their winter camp at Repton, now split in two, half followed Halfdan on to York, the other half, under Guthrum, heading south for Wessex, after stopping at Cambridge in late 874.

Halfdan returned to Northumbria and fought the Picts and the Strathclyde Britons, his army is not mentioned after 876. Guthrum's much reduced Great Army began the onslaught on Wessex in 875. In January 878 they nearly captured King Alfred in his winter quarters at Chippenham “in midwinter after Twelfth Night”. The King of Wessex was forced to flee to the Somerset marshes, spending the winter at Athelney, where he is famously said to have burnt the cakes.

In May 878 Alfred mustered the men of Somerset, Wiltshire, and Hampshire then attacked the Danes at Edington in Wiltshire. We are not told what happened to the men of Dorset and are forced to question if they participated in the Wessex revival? However, the battle was a resounding victory for the English which led to the baptism of Guthrum, Alfred being his Godfather, and a Treaty agreed in which the Danes were required to leave Wessex and return to East Anglia, where they were able to remain in control of much of the Midlands and eastern England, the boundary defined north of the Thames and east of Watling Street, an area that would become known as the Danelaw.

English Mercia was effectively now part of Wessex, it is clear that the two kingdoms were working together against the Vikings. Ceolwulf's fate is uncertain, yet by 881 Æthelred was ruling west Mercia when he led an unsuccessful raid into north Wales. He may have been installed by King Alfred of Wessex; they certainly enjoyed a close relationship with the betrothal of Alfred's daughter Æthelflæd, and in 886 when Alfred re-took London, a Mercian town from the 7th century, it was handed back to Æthelred. By now Alfred was deemed the king of the Anglo Saxons.

England 878 AD (Source: Wikimedia Commons)

Æthelred led an alliance of Mercians, West Saxons and Welsh to victory over a Viking army at the Battle of Buttington, Powys, in 893. In the following years Æthelred fought alongside Alfred's son, Edward the Elder, the future king of Wessex. In 910 a combined force of Mercians and West Saxons inflicted a major defeat on a Viking raiding army that had come up the Severn at the Batle of Tettenhall. It seems likely that  Æthelred was severely wounded in this battle, he died the following year and Æthelflæd become the sole ruler of Mercia.

Fortress, Bridge and Fyrd
Alfred knew the Vikings were sure to return, yet during the period of relative peace that Alfred and Guthrum's treaty brought he began a policy of building fortified towns, or burhs, throughout Wessex, such that no place was more than 20 miles from another; some burhs were built at old Roman or Iron Age fortifications, some were restorations of existing towns protected within a perimeter ditch and earth rampart, topped with wooden palisade. The network of burhs was to essentially provide safe refuges for the local people of the district, complete with food and supplies. A charter makes it explicitly clear that the burh at Worcester was to “shelter all the people”.

There was no standard size for Alfred's burhs, some were fortified towns, centres of commerce and local government, complete with mint. The larger burhs were constructed in the Wessex heartland and along the river Thames, where a Viking longship attempting to sail upstream would face five burhs in succession.

Some would develop into municipal centres in modern times, such as Chester, Stafford, Hertford and Warwick. The word 'burh' evolved into 'burgh', 'bury' then 'Borough' which can be found in many English place names today, as in council administrative districts.

Other burhs were small fortifications at river crossings or on the coast, to block access upstream to Viking longships. Some of these never developed into towns and cannot be located today. With a series of lookouts and beacons the burhs controlled movement within the borders of Alfred's territory and nullify the possibility of the Viking key strategic weapons; mobility and the surprise attack.

To man these fortifications Alfred introduced military obligations which extended burh work to include fyrd service. A record of Alfred's defensive system can be found in the early 10th century document known as 'The Burghal Hidage', which lists 33 fortifications in Wessex and southern Mercia.

The size of each burh is recorded by a land measure known as a 'hide'; the length of  the ramparts determining the number of local men required to defend it. Early records indicate that each hide would be required to supply one man for each four feet of burh perimeter. Later Anglo Saxon fyrds would be required to provide one man for every five hides. Alfred also  made provision for permanent manning of the defences with half the fyrd on active service and half at home. He also founded a fleet of warships to tackle the Vikings at sea before they could get in land.

The defensive system was continued by Alfred's children Edward and Æthelflæd in the reconquest of Mercia where 22 burhs were built, over half of these the Mercian Register credits the construction, or restoration, to Æthelflæd. Burhs had previously been established in the heartland of the west Mercian kingdom at Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, Winchcombe and Tamworth in the late 9th century by Æthelred, Lord of the Mercians.

Alfred certainly had a vision for the defence of his kingdom, and the network of Wessex burhs is seen as considerable innovation on his part, but where he did get his inspiration?

In the 9th century Pope Leo IV ordered the construction of a fortified city to provide protection to the Papal City. The Leonine Wall was constructed from 848 to 852 in response to the sacking of Old St. Peter's Basilica in 846 by Saracens – the boy Alfred visited Rome shortly after its completion.

The Vikings attacked Paris for the first time in 845, and returned three times in the 860's,  in response the Frankish king Charles the Bald declared a series of military reforms, The Edict of Pistres included the fortification of bridges built at all towns on rivers to prevent the Viking longships from penetrating the interior, such as the Loire and the Senne. These fortified bridges fulfilled their intended purpose during the Viking Siege of Paris of 885–886 with the low-lying bridges blocking the passage of the longships.

But the first record of burh work in Anglo Saxon England is made in a Mercian charter c.749. In this case the earliest Mercian burhs have been seen as fortified bridges, thereby blocking land and river movements. Prior to the re-development of the burh during Alfred's reign, in early records the word 'burh' could be used for an Iron Age hillfort or a monastic site, often distinguished by a form of curvilinear bank. Yet from the 8th century in Mercia a 'burh' had come to describe a fortified settlement, often sited on or near rivers or the coast. This network of burhs would also have provided centres for commerce, protected within the defensive walls of the burh.

A network of burhs was almost certainly constructed across greater Mercia in the 8th century which may have been instrumental in the emergence of the kingdom as the most dominant in Anglo Saxon England, the years of the so-called 'Mercian Supremacy'. Here military obligations were supplied by the great estates in exchange for land tenure and consisted of service in the fyrd, bridge work and burh work; the 'Three Necessities' which emerged under the Mercian kings Æthelbald (r. 716 to 757) and reinforced by Offa (r. 757 to 796) in response to Viking coastal raids.


Further Reading:
Nicholas Brooks, The development of military obligations in eighth- and ninth-century England, in England Before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources Presented to Dorothy Whitelock, ed. Kathleen Hughes and Peter Clemoes, Cambridge University Press, 1971, pp.69-84.
Richard P Abels, Lordship and Military Obligation in Anglo-Saxon England, University of California Press, 1992.
Jeremy Haslam, Early Medieval Towns in Britain, Shire, 2010.
Jeremy Haslam, Market and fortress in England in the reign of Offa, in World archaeology vol. 18, 1987, pp. 76-93.
Ryan Lavelle, Alfred's Wars: Sources and Interpretations of Anglo-Saxon Warfare in the Viking Age, Boydell Press, 2010.
Ryan Lavelle, Fortifications in Wessex c. 800-1066: The Defences of Alfred the Great Against the Vikings, Osprey, 2003.
Chris Peers, Offa and the Mercian Wars, Pen & Sword, 2012
Gareth Williams, Military obligations and Mercian supremacy in the 8th century, in Æthelbald and Offa: Two Eighth-Century Kings of Mercia, ed. David Hill and Margaret Worthington, British Archaeological Reports, 2005, pp. 103-109.


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Sunday, 15 July 2018

The Annals of Æthelflæd


The Mercian Register
There is no biography of Æthelflæd. For such a remarkable warrior queen, who achieved significant success in the reconquest of Danish Mercia, it is a wonder that not a single contemporary account has survived. Yet, the history of the Lady of the Mercians can be reconstructed from a fragmented text, the original seemingly lost, as a series of simple entries integrated into some versions of the Anglo Saxon Chronicle. 

The ‘Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’  is a collection of annals written in Old English between the 9th and 12th centuries. The Chronicle covers the first millennium, including the foundation stories of the Anglo-Saxon settlements, with additions up to the 12th century.

The oldest version, known as the 'A' text was produced at Winchester during the 9th century, unsurprisingly with the main focus on the West Saxon kings and events in Wessex. Copies passed to other ecclesiastical houses where they were copied and continued. The 'B' text was written in the late 10th century and was certainly at Abingdon Abbey by the mid-11th century where it formed the basis of another copy known as the 'C' text. Another version was produced at Worcester, the 'D' text, whose source appears to have been a northern version of the Chronicle.

Æthelflædian entries found in the 'B', 'C' and 'D' texts focusing on the years spanning 902 to 924, beginning with the death of Ealhswith, the widow of King Alfred and Æthelflæd’s mother, and ending with the accession of Æthelstan ‘chosen king by the Mercians’ were termed 'The Mercian Register', or 'Annals of Æthelflæd' by the historian Charles Plummer.

Bridgnorth Castle, built on the site of a Æthelflædian burh (Wikipedia Commons)

From the 'B', 'C' and 'D' texts it is therefore possible to reconstruct the Mercian Register:

902 - Here Ealhswith passed away
907 - Here Chester restored
909 - Here the body of Oswald was brought from Bardney to the Mercians
910 - In this year the English (i.e. the Mercians and West-Saxons) and the Danes fought at Tettenhall. The English gained the victory
910 - Æthelflæd built the burh at Bremesburh
911 – Æthelred, lord of the Mercians, departed
912 - Here Æthelflæd came to 'Scergeat' and built the burh
912 - Æthelflæd built the burh at Bridgnorth
913 - Æthelflæd went with all the Mercians to Tamworth and built the burh there, afterwards before Lammas built the fortress at Stafford
914 - In the next year in the early summer Æthelflæd built the burh at Eddisbury
914 – Late in harvest time Æthelflæd built the burh at Warwick
915 – After mid-winter Æthelflæd built the burh at Chirbury
915 - Æthelflæd built the burh at Weardbyrig
915 – Æthelflæd built before midwinter the burh at Runcorn
916 - Æthelflæd and and the fyrd broke down Brecenanmere and seized the wife of the king, one of thirty-four people seized
917 - Æthelflæd gained control before Lammas of the burh called Derby with all that belonged to it. Four of her thegns were also slain there within the gates
918 - Æthelflæd gained control of the burh at Leicester peacefully
918 - The people of York promised, some by pledge, some by oaths, that they were willing to be under her direction.
918 - Æthelflæd departed in Tamworth. Her body lay within Gloucester in the east porticus of St Peter's church
919 - Here Ælfwynn was also deprived of any power over the Mercians and led away to the West Saxons three weeks before midwinter.
921 - Here Edward built the burh at the mouth of the Clwyd.
924 - Here Edward departed at Farndon among the Mercians. Very soon (16 days) after Ælfweard departed at Oxford. Their bodies lay at Winchester.
924 - Æthelstan was chosen by the Mercians as king. He was consecrated at Kingston

In contrast, Æthelflæd's history is entirely absent from the 'A' text of Wessex which simply records her death; “[Edward's] sister Æthelflæd at Tamworth departed twelve days before midsummer; and then he rode and took the stronghold of Tamworth, and all the nation of the land of Mercia that was earlier subject to Æthelflæd turned to him......”



Notes & References:
Wainwright argues the date of Ælfwynn's depostion should be late 918; he sees this as a rare anomaly in the normally reliable chronology of the Mercian Register. See: F T Wainwright, appendix to North West Mercia, in HPR Finberg, ed., Scandinavian England. Collected Papers by F. T. Wainwright, Phillimore, 1975, pp.127-129.

F T Wainwright, The Chronology of the ' Mercian Register', The English Historical Review, Volume LX, Issue CCXXXVIII, 1945, pp.385–392.

Pauline Stafford, ‘The Annals of Æthelflæd’: Annals, History and Politics in Early Tenth-Century England, in Myth, Rulership, Church and Charters, Essays in Honour of Nicholas Brooks, edited by Julia Barrow and Andrew Wareham, Ashgate Publishng, 2008, pp.101-116.

Michael Swanton (trans. & ed.) The Anglo Saxon Chronicle, Dent, 1997.

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle manuscripts, Medieval manuscripts blog, British Library.



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Monday, 15 May 2017

New Book: The Warrior Queen

The Life and Legend of Aethelflaed, Daughter of Alfred the Great
by Joanna Arman

Published by Amberley Publishing 15 May 2017

From the Publisher:

Æthelflæd, eldest daughter of Alfred the Great, has gone down in history as an enigmatic and almost legendary figure. To the popular imagination, she is the archetypal warrior queen, a Medieval Boudicca, renowned for her heroic struggle against the Danes and her independent rule of the Saxon Kingdom of Mercia. In fiction, however, she has also been cast as the mistreated wife who seeks a Viking lover, and struggles to be accepted as a female ruler in a patriarchal society.

The sources from her own time, and later, reveal a more complex, nuanced and fascinating image of the ‘Lady of the Mercians’. A skilled diplomat who forged alliances with neighbouring territories, she was a shrewd and even ruthless leader willing to resort to deception and force to maintain her power. Yet she was also a patron of learning, who used poetic tradition and written history to shape her reputation as a Christian maiden engaged in an epic struggle against the heathen foe.

The real Æthelflæd emerges as a remarkable political and military leader, admired in her own time, and a model of female leadership for writers of later generations.


Joanna Arman is currently a PhD Student at the University of Winchester specialising in Women's History; exploring topics such as 15th century Queens, female landowners in Medieval records or the impact of the Magna Carta on women's marriage rights. She has a passion for the Anglo-Saxon period and researched Æthelflæd of Mercia, daughter of Alfred the Great, as the subject of her MA research.


See: Æthelflæd: The Making of a County Town  (Stafford 913 - 2013)


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Saturday, 23 November 2013

The Cult of St Bertelin

“The philosophers and the orators have fallen into oblivion; the masses do not even know the names of the emperors and their generals; but everyone knows the names of the martyrs, better than those of their most intimate friends.” 1

Little is known of the obscure Anglo Saxon Saint Bertelin that legend claims founded Stafford c.700 AD. Bertelin is said to have been a Mercian Prince who established a hermitage on a secluded marshy island called Bethnei in a crook of the river Sow in central Staffordshire. The local authorities maintain that the remains of a wooden preaching cross was found during excavations buried under the foundations of Bertelin's chapel in the centre of the town in the 1950s.2

Some two hundred years after this mysterious Bertelin is said to have founded the town, Æthelflæd, daughter of King Alfred the Great, established a fortified burh at Stafford in 913 AD. The town started life as a frontier post in the Anglo-Saxon's struggle against the Danes, forming a part of a chain of earth and timber fortresses that included Tamworth and Chester in the Mercian strategy to reconquest the Danelaw.

A reappraisal of the 1954 excavation findings by Martin Carver in the 1980s3 determined the so-called wooden cross was more likely the remains of a tree-trunk burial dating to the period 800-1,000 AD. The oak coffin found under the site of St Bertelin's chapel adjoining the west end of the Church of St Mary in Stafford may well have been an object of veneration, its central position suggests a significant burial; Martin Biddle suggests it may have even held the bones of the Saint himself.4

Following Local Government reorganisation in 1974 new arms were granted to Stafford Borough Council. The crest of the arms depicts the figure of St Bertelin, holding a staff. Yet the identity of the saint after whom the first church was dedicated remains elusive and like so many foundation legends much of what we read of St Bertelin is mixed up in a fusion of several different traditions.

The Legend 
The legend of Bertelin, variously named Beorhthelm, Bertram or Bettelin, as we have it today is a merging of all the various material available for this enigmatic Mercian saint assembled in the 14th century account by Capgrave in his 'Nova Legenda Anglie', first printed by Wynkyn de Worde in the 16th century and retold by Dr Plot in the 17th century in his 'Natural History of Staffordshire':

Bertelin is said to have been the son of a Mercian king, the friend and disciple of St Guthlac of Croyland, Lincolnshire, who, after the saint's death in 714 AD, continued his holy vocation on the isle of Bethenei, the historic core of Stafford town. Here, he remained until forced to retreat from the ill-will of jealous detractors, when he withdrew into “the mountains" and retired to Ilam, near Dovedale, on the Staffordshire-Derbyshire border where ultimately he died. He was buried at Ilam and his tomb soon became the place of pilgrimage to the saint named Bertram.

The Church of the Holy Cross, Ilam
The Bertram legend provides an alternative explanation for his arrival at Ilam; Bertelin travelled to Ireland where he fell in love with an Irish princess, who he brought back to Mercia while she was pregnant. While travelling through the Moorlands, the princess went into labour. While Bertelin/Bertram went in search of a midwife, his wife and child were killed by wolves. He became overcome with grief and spent the rest of days living the life of a hermit in a cave by a well on Bunster Hill, which along with Thorpe Cloud form the gateway to Dovedale.

The Church of the Holy Cross at Ilam is still visited by many today who leave prayers at the saint's shrine. The 12th century Saxon font in the church is decorated with iconography said to depict the story of Bertram and the wolves. Between the Church and St Bertram's Bridge is St Bertram's Well, a more recent addition to the legend, the original Holy Well is located on the side of Bunster Hill. In the churchyard are two Anglo-Saxon preaching crosses, one being a typical Mercian-style cross, although both are now without their cross-heads. A third rather battered cross shaft stands half a mile to the south-west of the church beside the River Manifold said to mark the site of a battle between the Saxons and Danes, it is known as ‘The Battlestone’. Frances Arnold-Forster makes the suggestion that “Battle stones" may be a corruption of "Bertellin-stones " and that they were raised as memorials of the holy man's journeys.5

St Bertram's Shrine, Ilam
Bertelin/Bertram is also linked to the village of Barthomley in present day Cheshire close to the Staffordshire border. The church, dedicated to St Bertoline (another form of the same name) who performed a miracle here, is said to stand on an ancient burial mound. It is said that Bertram was sought out by the devil who tempted him to turn stones into bread but instead he turned bread into stone. It was said that those stones were still at the church at Barthomley in the early 16th century but today they can no longer to be found.

The Lives
The St Bertelin legend is associated with both Croyland in Lincolnshire and Bethnei (Stafford) in Staffordshire, evidently a mix of local folklore and parts from Felix’ Life of St Guthlac. The vita of a Bertellinus or Beccelinus was drawn up from material based on Felix with additional content included in subsequent editions of the Nova Legenda Angliae.6

The Life of Guthlac, was written by Felix a monk of Croyland on the request of King Ælfwald of the East Angles, to whom it was dedicated, within 35 years of Guthlac’s death; presumably after 731 as Bede provides no mention yet before 749 when Ælfwald died. The vita features a disciple of St Guthlac named Beccelinus. Guthlac as a young man of a noble Mercian family fought in the army of Æthelred of Mercia until the age of 24 when he became a monk at Repton monastery. After two years he sought the life of a hermit and took refuge on the island of Croyland (modern Crowland) in the marshland of the Lincolnshire fens. Guthlac built a small oratory and cells on the site of an ancient barrow on the island. When Guthlac is dying Beccelinus becomes the confidant of the saint in his last hours. Beccelinus takes Guthlac's last words to his sister Pega who lived as an anchoress at Peakirk (Pega's Church) in the Cambridgeshire fens. Guthlac is buried in his oratory until a year later when his uncorrupted body is translated by Pega to a nearby chapel. Beccelinus plays no further part in Felix's story.

A cult quickly developed after Guthlac's death and his shrine was later ornamented by King Æthelbald. Accounts of his life soon followed, being written in both Latin and Old English. Two poems (known as Guthlac A and B) are believed to be derived from Felix's Life of St. Guthlac, and written sometime between 730 and 740. The Guthlac B poem recalls the saints last words as a dialogue with Beccelinus (Beccel). The Guthlac Roll, comprising 18 roundels on vellum is believed to have been drawn by the monks at Crowland Abbey in late 12th or early 13th Century and based on Felix and the Crowland tradition.

Illustration from the Guthlac Roll:
Beccel finds Guthlac lying near the
 altar of his chapel and is given his last instructions
.
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By the 14th century our man is now known as Bettelinus or Bettelmus. According to the Chronicle of Croyland Abbey (Historia Croylandensis), at one time attributed to the 11th century Abbot Ingulf (pseudo-Ingulf), Bettelmus was one of Guthlac's four disciples, the others being Egbert, Cissa and Tatwin who had formerly been his guide and steersman to the said island, who lived to the end of their days in their cells not far from the oratory of St Guthlac.

In 870 Croyland was among the many monasteries, including Bardney, Repingas, Threekingham, Weedon, Wermundsey, Peterborough and Ely, destroyed by the Danes. Guthlac's relics had been removed into the safety of the fens by Abbot Theodore fearing an attack.8 But the Croyland Chronicle reports that all the shrines of the saints situated around Guthlac's tomb were broken open, including the four disciples BettelmusEgbert, Cissa and Tatwin; the most holy virgin Etheldritha; Celfreda, the former queen, and Wymund, the son of king Wichtlaf. Not finding the treasures they expected in the shrines the Danes burnt all the bodies of the saints in one heap.9 Clearly this cannot be the same Bertelin if his relics came to rest at Stafford.

One Saint or Two?
The legend of St Bertelin in its final form is clearly a conflation of a number of sources; the comparatively late account found in the Nova Legenda Angliae appears to be an attempt to combine all the material into the vita of one Saint. There appear to have been two saints mixed up in this legend, two hermits in Mercia with similar names. Indeed, Farmer records in his Dictionary of Saints:

Bettelin (1) (Beccelin, Bertelin, Berthelm, Bertram), early 8th century, hermit of Crowland, disciple of Guthlac. Feast: 9 September.

Bettelin (2) (Bertram) of Ilam (Stafford), where a chapel, font and well preserve his memory and substantial fragments of his shrine survive. Very little is known about his life; likely Anglo Saxon hermit who lived and died in this neighbourhood and was venerated locally. Feast: 10 August.

Farmer adds that the legend attached to Bettelin of Ilam is probably fictitious, such as that he was the son of a Mercian prince, fell in love with an Irish princess, brought her back to England and left her in the forest in urgent need of a midwife. On his return a pack of wolves were devouring her, so he became a hermit the rest of his life. Farmer concludes “This story is borrowed from the Legend of St Bertelme of Fécamp.10

Beccelmus, the form of the name Beccel which is found in the Guthlac B poem and the Guthlac Roll, appears to have been the traditional form at Crowland. It occurs in the D manuscript (the Peterbrough MS) but no other. The name appears to have been misread by some earlier writer as Beccelinus and that was the form copied and adopted by later writers.11 The composite legend of St Bertelin, as found in the Nova Legenda Angliae, claims that following the death of Guthlac he retired to the Isle of Bethnei in the Stafford marshes, a topography very similar to the marshes in Lincolnshire where Guthlac spent his last days; is it possible this masks a tradition that his relics were conveyed to Stafford before the destruction of Croyland by the Danes?

As the patron of Stafford his relics were presumably kept with great veneration; typically saint's relics would be placed by, or in the high altar – but no trace of the whereabouts survives in Stafford; the town makes no claim today to possess the saint's relics. Furthermore, we have no means of fixing the precise date of the death of this Saint. Both Bettelin entries from Farmer's Dictionary of Saints have different feast days; it is possible a second feast may signify the date of translation.

Hugh Candidus of Peterbrough (d. c.1175) made a list of saints’ resting places so that “whosoever desireth to visit some saint may know where he may seek him” and included the reference "in Stetford sanctus Berthelmus martyr". Martyrs were the saints 'par excellence' but if this Bertelin of Stafford was a martyr we have lost an episode of his history; his martyrdom does not appear in the accounts of the Nova Legenda Angliae with no record of a martyrium at Stafford or Croyland. Significantly St Bertelin does not appear in the Old English text 'Secgan be þam Godes sanctum þe on Engla lande aerost reston' (The Resting-Places of the Saints), compiled in the 11th century, but containing older material.  Hugh Candidus seems to have spent most of his life at Peterborough, barely 10 miles from Crowland, which forces one to question which Bettelin he was referring to in his text.

This mixed-up legend appears to be borrowings from several different personages, suggesting that the Stafford St Bertelin did not possess his own account but attracted elements from saints lives with similar sounding names from hermitages surrounded by marshland. Bertelin, an elusive Mercian saint, defies recognition in the Secgan, the list of saints' resting places, where we should expect to find him recorded as a martyr as claimed by Hugh Candidus of Peterbrough. It is difficult to uphold the claims that he was a very localised minor saint from a Merican royal family.

As Alan Thacker states, “Bertelin's legend is worthless; it seems to have been borrowed from that of St Berthelme of Fécamp, and at most preserves a tradition that Bertelin was a Mercian prince. Nevertheless the cult itself seems to have been genuine.12

A Cult in West Mercia
Perhaps Bertelin was simply a minor saint with a very localised cult ranging from mid-Staffordshire to the modern boundaries of southern Cheshire. Yet Bertelin re-appears in the 10th century at Runcorn in north Cheshire. This was another burh established by Æthelflæd in the early 10th century and thought to be sited on Castle Rock, a promontory jutting into the Mersey valley from the south. No doubt the fortification was intended to defend the river crossing from raiding parties from Danish Northumbria. The dedication of what was almost certainly a new church there to St Bertelin at Runcorn suggests Æthelflæd's responsibility given her recent acquaintance with this obscure Mercian cult at her new burh at Stafford just two years earlier,13 which appears to confirm her contact with this cult.

The archaeological evidence tends to support the argument that the Stafford site had only seen minor activity prior to Æthelflæd's construction of the burh there in 913 AD. As Martin Carver has shown there was very little activity at Stafford prior to the creation of the Anglo Saxon burh in the 10th century. Æthelflæd. is well known for the translation of Anglo Saxon saint's relics into Mercian sites deeper into the west of the country as protection from the Danes in the east: Oswald to Gloucester, Aldhelm to Shrewsbury, Werburg to Chester, being typical examples of saints translations in which Æthelflæd is known, or strongly suspected, of being instrumental in their relocation. However we are at a loss to the origins of Bertelin and there is no record of his translation into Stafford, Ilam or Runcorn. Suspicions of Æthelflæd's involvement with perhaps bringing the saint's relics into Stafford and the possibility of a later translation of some Bertelin's relics to Runcorn when she built the burh guarding the Wirral cannot be dismissed. Indeed as holy relics were required to consecrate the first timber church at Stafford, it seems likely Bertelin was introduced to Stafford by Æthelflæd herself, and again at Runcorn.

This elusive Mercian saint seems to defy recognition, however there is a saint that bears a remarkable set of coincidences to the Stafford tradition.

Crossing the Water
The Abbey of Saint-Bertin in Saint-Omer, France, was founded on the banks of the river Aa in the 7th century by the bishop of Thérouanne, who sent the monks Bertin (c.615 – c.709 AD), Momelin and Ebertram from Omer to spread the 'Word' among the pagans of the region.

About the year 638 AD Bertin set out, in company with two companions for the extreme northern part of France in order to assist his friend and kinsman, Bishop St. Omer, in the evangelization of the Morini. This area was a huge marshland studded with small hillocks; consequently Bertin's symbol was a boat. On one such hillocks, Bertin and his two companions built a small dwelling whence they went out daily to preach among the natives.

The Ruins of Saint-Bertin Abbey 1850 (Wikimedia Commons)
Bertin built and became abbot of Sithiu Abbey in 659 AD, which later took his him. The fame of Bertin's learning and sanctity was so great that in a short time more than 150 monks lived under his rule. St.Winnoc and three companions joined him to assist in the conversion of the heathen. As an old man he resigned his dignity in the year 700 AD. Soon after his death on the 5th of September, 709 AD, Bertin began to be venerated as a saint. His relics were exposed in a silver shrine, enriched with gold and precious stones.

The Abbey of Saint-Bertin soon became one of the most influential monasteries in northern Europe and one of the principal sources of 9th century Francia, producing the Annals of St. Bertin, covering the period 830-82 AD, notable for recording the raids of the Norsemen who plundered the abbey in 845 and 861. It was also damaged by fire several times in the 9th and 10th centuries.14

Bovo's Relatio recorded the recovery of St Bertin's relics in 1050 and their subsequent translation in 1052. Abbot Bovo states the abbey buildings had been hastily restored after the blaze in 1033 and started to crumble after just a few years. Four years into his abbacy, Bovo decided to rebuild and enlarge the church. During these works, by the main altar, they found a leaden casket containing bones and a silver cross identifying the relics as “Sanctus Bertinus Abbas”. But another set of relics had already been previously designated as St Bertin's and the discovery of these additional bones during Bovo's rebuilding raised serious questions. That the abbey already possessed relics said to be St Bertin's was not contested; his cult had been continuous throughout the period; the monastery had never been abandoned or so severely damaged it needed to be refounded. However, Bovo asserted that when the abbey had been threatened by the Vikings in 845/6, St Folcuin translated the relics. Bovo's explanation was supported in the Vita Folcuini which claimed the relics were buried very deeply in a place of safety. The Archbishop's solution was to place both sets of relics in the same shrine and translate them together. Two years later Archbishop Wido of Reims performed the translation on 1st May 1052.15

There is too much similar information here to be purely coincidental: the date is remarkably close to the Stafford St Bertelin's floruit; St Bertin resigned his abbacy at Sithiu c.700 AD which is also the traditional date St Bertelin founded Bethnei (Stafford); the names Bertin and Ebertram are remarkably similar to Bertelin and Bertram at Stafford and Ilam; the saint lived on a hillock surrounded by marshland as at Stafford, Croyland and Sithiu; a double identity – two sets of relics identified as Bertin; even the Feast Days are very similar. Is it possible this tradition could have travelled to west Mercia from Francia?

Route of Transmission
Frequent visits by English ecclesiastics to the Abbey of Saint-Bertin's on their way to and from Rome in the Late Anglo Saxon period led to the introduction of the cult of Bertin into England 16 and must have been known to King Alfred's family, including his daughter Æthelflæd. Alfred must have certainly been introduced to the story of St Bertin when he stopped at the Abbey on route to Rome. Through Fulk of Reims, Alfred invited his host at Saint-Bertin, a cleric named Grimbald, back to England in 887. Grimbald joined the community at Saint-Bertin's c.840, was ordained a priest in c.870 and went to Reims in 886. Alfred pressed Grimbald to accept the position of Archbishop of Canterbury in 889 but was obliged to allow him to retire as Dean to the church of Winchester until his death on 8th July 903. Grimbald was appointed first professor of divinity at Oxford when he is said to have founded that university. His life was written by Goscelin, a monk of Saint-Bertin’s.17

Saint Bertin (Wikimedia Commons)
It is very likely that the young Anglo Saxon princess Æthelflæd was exposed to Grimbald's tales of St Bertin at her father's court and the possibility that she was responsible for the introduction the St Bertelin (Bertin) cult to west Mercia, on construction of the Stafford and Runcorn burhs, accompanied with a translation of some St Bertin's relics, cannot be ruled out. And with the relics came the tales of the saint in the marshes.


© Edward Watson 2013
http://clasmerdin.blogspot.co.uk/
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Notes & References
1. Theodoret, Curatio affectionum graecarum 8.67, PG 83.1033A, quoted in Peter Brown, The Cult of Saints, University of Chicago Press, 1981, p. 50.
2. Adrian Oswald, The Church of St Bertelin at Stafford and its Cross, Birmingham Museum, 1955.
3. Martin Carver, Anglo-Saxon Stafford. Archaeological Investigations 1954-2004. Field Reports On-line, 2010.
4. Martin Biddle, Archaeology, architecture and the cult of saints in Anglo-Saxon England, in ed L A S Butler and R K Morris, The Anglo-Saxon Church, C B A Research Report, 60, 1986, pp 9-10.
5. Frances Arnold-Forster, Studies in Church Dedications or, England's Patron Saints, Volume 2, 1899.
6. Bertram Colgrave, Felix's Life of Saint Guthlac: Texts, Translation and Notes, Cambridge University Press, 1956.
7. Lyall Seale, Saint Guthlac, His Life and The Guthlac Roll, published by St Guthlac’s Church, Market Deeping, 2004.
8. John Crook, Medieval English Shrines, Boydell Press, 2012, p.67.
9. Ingulph's Chronicle Of The Abbey Of Croyland, translated from the Latin with Notes by Henry T. Riley, George Bell And Sons, 1908.
10. David Hugh Farmer, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints, Oxford University Press, 1978, Fifth Revised Edition,  2011.
11. Colgrave, op.cit.
12. Alan Thacker, Kings, Saints, And Monasteries In Pre‐Viking Mercia, Midland History, Volume 10, 1985 , pp. 1-25.
13. N J Higham, The Origins of Cheshire, Manchester University Press, 1993, p.111.
14. Rev. Alban Butler, The Lives of the Saints, Volume IX: September, 1866.
15. Karine Ugé, Creating the Monastic Past in Medieval Flanders, York Medieval Press, 2005, pp79-84.
16. Farmer, op.cit.
17. Butler, op.cit.


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