The Twentieth Legion Goes North

The Fate of the Twentieth Legion Part 2

In AD 49 the Roman governor of Britain Publius Ostorius Scapula campaigned against the Deceangli in north-east Wales and engaged with the Brigantes in the north of Britain. It is thought that at this time Scapula constructed a small fort or marching camp on the highest part of the ridge above the mouth of the River Dee, the first military construction at Chester. However, positive evidence of a fort of this date has yet to be found.

The Dee was navigable to this point where it formed a natural harbour, enabling the Romans to support operations into North Wales and northern Britain by land and sea. Significantly the fort at Chester (Deva) drove a wedge between the Ordovices and the Brigantes, a gap in the Roman defences exploited when Caratacus was defeated in AD 51 in Mid-Wales/Shropshire and fled to the territory of the Brigantes. Chester was therefore sited in a critical position in the Roman tactic of ‘divide and rule’ in which they would position forts between hostile tribes.

Archaeologist David Mason has carried out extensive excavations at Chester over forty years and concedes there is distinct evidence for two military bases that pre-date the legionary fortress at Chester. He suggests that the primary fort could belong to Paulinus’s campaigns in the late AD 50’s – early 60’s which culminated in the attack on the Druids at Mona. Although we lack precise dating evidence for the beginning of construction of the legionary fortress at Chester two inscriptions, lead ingots dated to AD 74 and lead water pipes AD 79, confirm construction of the later legionary fort commenced in the decade AD 70-80, during the early Flavian period.

At this time the northern frontier of the Province effectively formed a boundary from the estuary of the Dee in the west to the estuary of the Humber in the east. Immediately north of this boundary, up to the river Tyne, and centred on Yorkshire, was the territory of a confederation of British tribes known as the Brigantes. They were bordered by the Parisi in the east, the Setantii in the west and the Carvetii to the north west. Beyond this was the land of the Caledonians, the name ancient writers used for Scotland.

The Brigantes had been a key ally to the Romans, perhaps since shortly after the invasion of AD 43 as with the south-eastern kingdoms of the Britons, and under the rule of their Queen Cartimandua turned Caratacus over to the Romans after he fled from Wales in AD 51. But this betrayal of a king who had led the early resistance of the Britons against the Romans caused division in the Brigantes.  Cartimandua detached herself from her consort Venutius and took up with his armour-bearer Vellocatus, and asked the Romans for protection. 

Venutius and the anti-Roman elements of the Brigantes took advantage of the turmoil of the ‘Year of the Four Emperors’ in AD 69 and rebelled. This year saw four emperors Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian fight for the throne following the death of Nero in AD 68.

The Governor of Britain at this time was Marcus Trebellius Maximus who was at odds with many of his legionary commanders, particularly Roscius Coelius, legate of Legio XX. According to Tactitus, Trebellius “had no military experience, and kept the province in hand by a mild-mannered administration.” Trebellius had lost all authority with the army, which sided with Coelius, and in AD 69 left Britain for the protection of Vitellius in Germania. 

The British garrison did not put forward its own candidate for emperor but vexillations and auxiliaries from all three legions, about 8,000 men, were sent to the continent to support Vitellius. Legio XIV Gemina that had been withdrawn from Britain by Nero around AD 68 were now, along with the other legions of the Balkans, supporting Otho. 

Vitellius defeated Otho at the first battle of Cremona, near the village of Bedriacum, and was declared emperor.  Legio XIV Gemina arrived too late to take part in the battle and declared that they were undefeated. Vitellius appointed Marcus Vettius Bolanus as governor of Britain and sent Legio XIV Gemina back to Britain with him. When Bolanus arrived in Britain he found the legions at half strength and his demands for more troops from Vitellius to bring the British garrison back to its full compliment were ignored by the new emperor. Discipline in the legions had been lost under the last year of Trebellius’s governorship, and, if we are to believe the writings of Tacitus, Bolanus was apparently not capable of restoring control. Indeed Tacitus was not very complimentary of Bolanus; he wrote that the governor was despised by the legions for his greed and meanness, being too mild mannered to control a warlike state such as Britain and never got the province under complete control.

Later in AD 69, Vespasian was declared emperor by the legions of the eastern provinces. While Vespasian was still in Egypt the Danubian legions led by Marcus Antonius Primus marched on Rome and defeated Vitellius at the second battle of Cremona. By December Vespasian was the fourth emperor of the year and the Flavian dynasty had begun. Vespasian kept Bolanus as governor of Britain for the time being as he had quickly sworn allegiance to the new emperor. Regardless of Tacitus’s low opinion of Bolanus he had engaged the Brigantes during their revolt and despatched auxiliary troops to answer Cartimandua’s plea for help and rescued her. The fallen queen was forced into exile and not heard of again. The rebellious Venutius now ruled the Brigantes on his own.

Contra Tacitus the Latin 1st century poet Publius Papinius Statius (Silvae) writes that Bolanus established forts and captured trophies from a British king, suggesting that the British governor did engage with the Brigantes and had some success against them. Statius clearly states that Bolanus penetrated the “Caledonian plain” building roads, forts and watchtowers, and stripped a British king of his armour. Ancient writers references to the Caledonian plain is usually interpreted as a generic term for the Scottish borders. This raises the question of how far can we trust poetry in a historical context particularly when in this instance the poet also claims Bolanus reached the mythical island of Thule, the northernmost part of the known world; yet on the other-hand, how far can we trust the account of Tacitus who clearly did not rate the governors of Britain, except Cerialis, immediately prior to Agricola and fails to mention any of them campaigning as far north into Caledonia.

It is all too easy to dismiss Statius’s account of Bolanus campaigning in Caledonia as simple poetic licence. But then we find the writings of Pliny the Elder (Natural History) which imply that the Romans may have been operating north of the Forth as early as the governorship's of Bolanus (AD 69-71) and Cerialis (AD 71-74). Pliny died the year of the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in AD 79 and Statius around AD 96. They were writing within living memory of the events making it unlikely their accounts were complete fabrications.

David Woolliscroft, co-director of The Roman Gask Project, suggested that Statius’s reference to the roads, forts and watchtowers could be an allusion to the earliest fortifications constructed on the Gask Ridge. Considered the earliest Roman land frontier in Britain, the Gask Ridge is as a series of military installations running for about 22 miles from Glenbank, north of Dunblane, to Bertha on the River Tay along the Highland line in Scotland. The construction of the Gask system has traditionally been credited to Agricola, governor of Britain AD 77-84 largely owing to the narrative of Tacitus. However, archaeologist and historians are now of the opinion that the foundations of the system were laid prior to Agricola’s governorship. 

Regardless of how far north he campaigned, there is no record of Bolanus removing Venutius. Vespasian, perhaps concerned that the rebellious Brigantes with Venutius still at large would escalate and pull in other tribes, withdrew Bolanus from Britain after two years as governor. Soon after his return to Rome Bolanus was honoured by Vespasian, the poetry of Statius in his ‘Silvae’ suggestions that Vespasian awarded Bolanus with a ceremonial breastplate for his military success. Poetry aside, Bolanus was given patrician rank and a little later appointed as proconsul of Asia which suggests that his performance in Britain had been satisfactory in the opinion of the emperor who himself was very familiar with the province having led Legio II Augusta in the Claudian invasion of AD 43. No doubt Tacitus had his own agenda to follow in heaping so much praise on his future father-in-law Agricola.

Vespasian appointed Quintus Petillius Cerialis as governor of Britain in AD 71 to replace Bolanus. Cerialis had fought for Vespasian in the civil war of AD 69 and totally loyal to the new emperor. In AD 70 Legio XIV Gemina were withdrawn from Britain for a second time and sent to Germania to support Cerialis in suppressing the Batavian rebellion of Julius Civilis. Cerialis called the Legion the ‘Conquerors of Europe’ no doubt with memories of their victory against the Boudiccan rebellion in Britain in AD 61. However, this time they would not return to Britain. Cerialis’s army in Germania Inferior included a new legion, Legio II Adiutrix, raised by Vespasian in early AD 70 from Roman Navy marines at Ravenna. 

Cerialis was certainly presented with a challenge on accepting the post of governor of Britain; the legions remained in a mutinous state and the northern tribes were in a rebellious mood. Cerialis arrived in Britain with the new legion, Legio II Adiutrix, restoring the British garrison back to four legions. In contrast to his not-so-complimentary writings on Cerialis’s predecessors Tacitus remarked that this appointment signified the first in a series of distinguished commanders.

With Legio II Augusta based at Gloucester, Legio XX at Wroxeter and Legio IX at Lincoln, the addition of a fourth legion to the British garrison was intended to carry out emperor Vespasian’s orders to conquer the entire island. Within a few years of Cerialis’s governorship Brigantian territory up to a line from the Solway Firth to the Tyne would be under Roman control. 

In AD 70, during Bolanus’s governorship, Vespasian had replaced Roscius the treacherous commander of Legio XX with Gnaeus Julius Agricola. It is likely at this time that the new emperor purged all the legionary commanders that had not shown loyalty to him during the civil war. Agricola reimposed discipline on the rebellious Legio XX that had supported Vitellius during the civil war and had been dragging their feet in swearing allegiance to the new emperor. Agricola began his career as a military tribune having served in Britain under Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, governor of Britain from AD 58-62, campaigning in Wales culminating in the attack on the Druids of Mona and the suppression of the Boudiccan Revolt in AD 61. 

There is little activity recorded for Agricola’s first year as commander of Legio XX and it is uncertain where the legion was stationed at this time. It is generally assumed that Legio XX transferred from Usk (Burrium) in South Wales to to Wroxeter (Viroconium) in Shropshire, to replace Legio XIV Gemina who had been withdrawn from Britain by Nero in AD 68. However, it is possible that Legio XX was stationed at Gloucester (Glevum) for a period before moving to Wroxeter. It is also possible that during this time Agricola and Legio XX continued the work of Bolanus in the north consolidating the Roman advance in preparation of the arrival of Cerialis.

With the arrival of the new governor Cerialis in AD 71 the Romans were now actively campaigning in Brigantian territory, north of line roughly from the Dee to the Humber. Agricola was evidently highly regarded by Cerialis and on occasion given independent command and, according to Tacitus, he conducted himself with great modesty crediting his success in the field to his general (Cerialis) who had planned operations.

Initially Legio II Adiutrix were based at Lincoln while Cerialis took Legio IX Hispana north into the lands of the Brigantes where it founded a new legionary fortress at York (Eboracum). It is probable that around this time Legio XX had moved up from Wroxeter through Chester for the launch of the campaign against the Brigantes. Supported by the Classis Britannica Agricola and Legio XX advanced up the west coast. With Cerialis and Legio IX coming in from the east the two legions formed a pincer movement to close in on Venutius’s rebellious Brigantes.

Dere Street 

Tacitus provides little detail of the campaign of Cerialis in Brigantian territory during his tenure as governor yet the new fortress at York indicates the legions must have been active north of this at this time. Cerialis must have reached the river Tees where the Roman fort at Piercebridge (Morbium?) was established at this time. The fort was located at a strategic crossing point of the Tees by the Roman Road known as Dere Street, the Great North Road. The construction of this road is accredited to Agricola c.AD 79-81 during his tenure as governor of Britain for his campaigns further north into Scotland, however it is likely that Cerialis laid part of the southern end of this road through the territory of the Brigantes, linking the new fort at York with Piercebridge. Later Agricola would extend this road into Scotland. 

By now Cerialis must have at least reached as far north as the Solway Firth as features of the early fort at Carlisle (Luguvalium) have been firmly dated to AD 72 and cannot be attributed to Bolanus or Agricola’s later campaign as some commentators have claimed. It is also supposed that the Beaufront Red House vexillation fort near Corbridge was established around this time, linked to Carlisle by a Roman road that Agricola would develop into the Stanegate. Before Hadrian’s Wall was constructed in the AD 120’s a little further north, the line of the Stanegate would effectively act as the northern frontier of the Roman Empire.   

Legio XX were now at Carlisle. Agricola led the legion south east from Carlisle, through the Stainmore Pass system which he is generally supposed to have founded, deep in tot he territory of the Brigantes. The Stainmore system was a military corridor of road and watchtowers that would link Carlisle to York, along the line of the modern A66 road. Agricola and Cerialis closed in on the Brigantes and defeated them at, or close to, their Stanwick camp. The fate of Venutius is not recorded but he is not heard of again. A series of forts were then established in the territory of the Brigantes to monitor and police the northern Britons. Cerialis was now campaigning north of the line of the Stanegate into at least southern Caledonia. 

The following year in AD 73 both Cerialis and Agricola were recalled from Britain with Sextus Julius Frontinus appointed as governor of Britain. Frontinus was an accomplished soldier having written manuals on military strategy (Stratagems) and participated in the suppression of the Batavian revolt on the Rhineland in AD 70 with Cerialis. Tactitus provides just a single sentence on his governorship in Britain in the ‘Agricola’. This lack of detail on the achievments of Frontinus in Britain by Tacitus has been interpreted by some commentators that Frontinus failed to consolidate the gains of Cerialis in the north. Yet Frontinus was held in high regard by subsequent emperors and held his third consulship under Trajan, indeed Anthony Birley desribes him as “one of the most important figures of the Flavio-Trajanic era”. 

Frontinus’s first task in Britain was to campaign against the Silure in Wales. He moved Legio II Augusta to the legionary fortress at Caerleon and may have been responsible for starting the construction of the new legionary fortress at Chester by II Adiutrix who were transferred in from Lincoln. 

The exact start of Frontinus’s tenure is uncertain, usually stated at AD 73-74, however Cerilais was back in Rome in May AD 74. Tacitus limits the achievements of Frontinus to subjugating the Silures of South Wales and constructing a series forts in Mid Wales. Often accused of ignoring North Wales Frontinus clearly had active units in the region as the Ordovices massacred a cavalry unit there in AD 77. However, Frontinus was recalled shortly after and succeeded by Gnaeus Julius Agricola in midsummer of that year.

Sources
The Complete Tacitus, Delphi Classics, 2014.
The Complete Works of Statius, Delphi Classics, 2014.
The Complete Works of Pliny the Elder, Delphi Classics, 2015.
Anthony R Birley, The Roman Government of Britain, Oxford University Press, 2005.
Eric Birley, Roman Britain and the Roman Army, Titus Wilson, 1961
David J. Breeze, Northern Frontiers of Roman Britain, Batsford, 1993.
Simon Elliott, Agricola in Scotland, Pen & Sword Military, 2025.
Simon Forder, The Romans in Scotland, Amberley Publishing, 2022.
Stephen James Malone, Legio XX Valeria Victrix: Prosopography, archaeology and history, BAR Publishing, 2006.
David Mason, Roman Chester: Fortress at the Edge of the World, The History Press, 2012.
Nigel Pollard & Joanne Berry, The Complete Roman Legions, Thames & Hudson, 2015 (Reprint edition 2024).
David Shotter, The Roman Frontier in Britain, Carnegie Publishing, 1996.
David Shotter, Roman Britain, Second Edition, 2004.
Simon Turney, Agricola, Architect of Britain, Amberley, 2022.
David Woolliscroft and Birgitta Hoffmann, Rome's First Frontier: The Flavian Occupation of Northern Scotland, The History Press, 2006.
The Roman Gask Project, Directors David Woolliscroft  and Birgitta Hoffmann (online resource
[https://www.theromangaskproject.org/

]

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The Fate of the Twentieth Legion - Part I

From Invasion to Rebellion
In the 19th century a large number of Roman tombstones were discovered in the infill of the north wall of Chester City Walls. Initially thought to have simply been re-used as building materials as was the Roman way, it has since been noted that many of the tombstones had been badly mutilated and defaced with references to Legio XX obliterated. This legion was part of the Roman invasion force of Britain in AD 43 and fought in the Iceni Revolt of AD 60-61 and later permanently based at the legionary fortress at Chester (Deva).

The origins of the legion’s name ‘Valeria Victrix’ ("Valiant and Victorious") are uncertain and the subject of much debate; the title is generally thought to have been bestowed on Legio XX following the Iceni Revolt led by their queen Boudicca.

As the ruthless Romans war machine moved through Britain conquering all before it Legio XX transferred to Kingsholm, Usk and then Wroxeter, before campaigning in the north. The legion then formed the Chester garrison where they remained until Legio XX disappears from the historical record in the late 3rd-early 4th centuries. 

Some historians argue that Legio XX was still stationed in Britain when Magnus Maximus withdrew the bulk of the British garrison in pursuit of his imperial ambitions in AD 383. Numismatic evidence certainly suggests the fortress at Chester was occupied at this time but what this occupation was has been the subject of much debate. 

The legions were restructured around this time resulting in a much reduced Chester garrison. Yet the last days of Legio XX is somewhat of a mystery; the legion disappears from the historical and archaeological record at the end of the 3rd century. Legio XX is notably absent from the Notitia Dignitatum, a document containing a list of military and civilian commands in both eastern and western parts of the Roman empire from the late-4th to early-5th century.

Further, we have seen how a large number of the Legio XX tombstones from the Roman cemetery at Chester have been broken up and recycled into the north wall during repairs to the defences of the fortress. But these tombstones were not just re-used as convenient building materials: many of the inscriptions referencing Legio XX have been obliterated if not snapped off resulting in the loss of the inscription; many faces defaced beyond recognition and legionary emblems chiseled out. 

Rather than using the nearest available tombstones as building material for hurried repairs to the north wall this deliberate mutilation of the funerary monuments dedicated to Legio XX must have taken effort and time. As the tombstones were used as infill for the north wall, hidden behind the facing stones, why was necessary to go to such effort to deface the stones? It appears the memory of Legio XX was purposefully removed at Chester. 

This destructive treatment of the tombstones of Legio XX immediately brings to mind the Roman practice of ‘Damnatio memoriae’ (condemnation of memory), the erasure of the subject from the historical record including the destruction of depictions and the removal of names from inscriptions and documents. Without an inscription a memorial stone is meaningless. The practice was usually exercised for usurping emperors or failed conspirators. 

The treatment of the legion’s tombstones at Chester suggest the legion fell from grace at a late point in its history; what could cause a once illustrious legion to become denigrated overnight?

Foundations
When and where Legio XX was founded is not known for certain yet the legion is first recorded during the reign of Augustus, also known as 'Octavian'. Gaius Octavius officially became known as Augustus in 27 BC when he was granted the title marking the beginning of his reign as the first Roman emperor and founder of the Roman Empire. Thereafter ‘Augustus’ was used as a title for all subsequent emperors.

Symbolized by the emblem of a boar, Legio XX is thought to have been established around 31 BC when the legion is recorded as fighting at the battle of Actium when Octavian defeated Mark Antony. Legio XX fought for Antony at the battle but following their defeat his troops, including Legio XX, deserted and joined Octavian's army. At the time there were two legions named "XX" which were were brought together as one unit by Octavian after Actium. 

Legio XX then played a significant part in the Cantabrian Wars from 25-19 BC, the Roman conquest of Hispania. The legion was then stationed in Illyricum from AD 6 during the Great Illyrian Revolt (Bellum Batoninum) and was relocated to Germania Inferior following the massacre of three Roman legions under the command of Publius Quinctilius Varus in the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9. 

Legio XX was then moved from its fortress at Novaesium (Neuss) in Germania to northern Gaul where the legions were mustering in anticipation of Caligula’s planned invasion of Britain in AD 40. The biographer Suetonius tells us that the invasion was aborted and it became known that the emperor intended to discipline Legio XX for their mutiny against his father Germanicus. Suetonius claims Caligula intended to decimate the legion, that is execute every tenth man. Caligula apparently abandoned the idea when the legionaries became aware and started to arm themselves. 

Legio XX went on to play a key role in the Claudian invasion force of Britain in AD 43. Thereafter, the legion remained in the country for most of the Roman occupation which officially ended in AD 410 when Honorius, Emperor in the West, officially acknowledged that the Britons were no longer under imperial protection and should take to their own defences.

Four legions and some 20,000 auxilaries are said to have taken part in the Roman invasion of Britain under the command of Aulus Plautius, but only Vespasian’s Legio II Augusta is directly mentioned in contemporary sources. However, the four legions that made up the invasion force are generally accepted as the same four legions mentioned during the later Boudiccan revolt of AD 60-61: II Augusta, IX Hispana, XIV Gemina and XX. 

Richborough in Kent is the favoured landing site of the Romans. The invasion force rapidly moved through the south-eastern corner of Britain. Then the Romans crossed the Thames and headed north to the territory of the Trinovantes who inhabited an area roughly encompassing modern Essex and southern Suffolk. They were bordered to the west by the Catuvellauni and in the north by the Iceni.

Dio tells us that the emperor Claudius joined the legions at the Thames and led them across the river where they defeated the Britons who had gathered there. Claudius then took Camulodunum (‘fortress of the war god Camulos’) the tribal capital of the Trinovantes, where he received the submission of 11 British Kings. Claudius declared the foundation of the province of Britannia, establishing Camulodunum (Colchester) as its capital with Plautius appointed as first governor. 

The Roman’s now consolidated their foothold in Britain. Vespasian would lead the south-westward campaign with Legio II Augusta, Legio XIV Gemina were moved to Leicester while Plautius would take Legio IX Hispana to Longthorpe and Newton on Trent. 

Legio XX remained at the newly founded Roman Colchester and constructed a legionary fortress next to the oppidum of the Trinovantes, the first permanent legionary fortress to be built in Britain. In one of the ditches of the fortress at Colchester six human skulls were found, all displaying signs of a violent end. These are the remains of members of Trinovantes who had been beheaded by soldiers of Legio XX. Whether they were part of a minor uprising against the Romans is unclear, their heads were likely impaled on stakes outside the fortress as a warning to others, in a similar manner to the Dacian heads shown on Trajan’s Column. 

Trajan's column

An inscription on the tombstone of Marcus Favonius Facilis, a centurion from the unit (RIB 200), attests the presence of Legio XX at Colchester. The absence of wording typical of later funerary inscriptions and the absence of the legion’s cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ suggests that the tombstone was erected in the first half of the 1st century, before Legio XX suppressed the Boudiccan Revolt of AD 60-61, a victory said to have led to the legion being awarded the honorific title.

Breakout
Plautius and Vespasian returned to Rome in AD 47. Plautius was replaced as governor by Publius Ostorius Scapula who was intent on expanding the territory of the Province further west and north. Following initial success defeating the Iceni, the following year Ostorius turned his attention to the  Deceangli in north Wales and campaigned against the Brigantes in the north. 

The legions had pushed out from the territory gained in the initial years of the invasion, establishing a series of vexilliation forts along a line roughly from Exeter to Lincoln, which would later be used as logistics bases in the next phase of conquest. The western limit of Roman conquest became known as the ‘Fosse Way Frontier’, following the line of the later Roman road running across the country from the south-west to the north-east. 

The Fosse Way

During AD 48-49 Ostorius moved Legio II Augusta to Dorchester and Legio XX from Colchester to a new vexillation-sized fort at Kingsholm near Gloucester. We lack firm evidence for the movement of Legio XX after it left Colchester yet epigraphic evidence indicates a presence at Kingsholm, but we cannot be certain of the size of the unit based there. 

This fort would typically accommodate around half-a-legion plus axillaries, between 2,500 – 4,000 men. The remainder of Legio XX were, presumably, left behind at Colchester and formed a colony of veterans, making Camulodunum the first Roman colonia in Britain officially named Colonia Claudia Victricensis. The majority of the colony's citizens would have come from Legio XX who had completed their service but were also complimented with retired soldiers from other British legions. 

The Romans were now pushing westward beyond the Fosse Way Frontier with Legio XX engaged with the Silures in southern Wales and Legio XIV Gemina positioned in the Welsh Marches to confront the Ordovices. Following the refusal of the Silures to surrender Ostorius was determined to completely wipe them out, as was the Roman way with tribes they could not pacify. The conflict rumbled on until the death of Ostorius in AD 52.

We find epigraphic evidence for Legio XX at Kingsholm, again in the form of a tombstone. A funerary inscription for Lucius Octavius Martialis (RIB 3073), fragmented into two large pieces and many minor fragments, unusually lacks the years of service and age at death and as we saw at Colchester (RIB 200) the legion’s cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ is again absent.  

Between the death of Ostorius and the arrival of his replacement, Tacitus tells us that the legion under the command of Manlius Valens had been defeated by the Silures. The only legion engaged with the Silures at this time was Legio XX.

Aulus Didius Gallus, a member of the Roman Senate, was sent to Britain to replace Ostorius as governor of Britain (AD 52-57). His brief to expand Roman territory, accordingly he moved Legio IX Hispana to Lincoln, Legio II Augusta to Exeter and relocated Legio XX to Usk (Burrium) in south-east Wales and Legio XIV Gemina to Wroxeter (Viroconium Cornoviorum) to continue the campaign against the Silures and Ordovices respectively. Archaeological excavations have confirmed that construction of the Roman fort at Usk (Burrium) commenced around AD 50. It is uncertain if Legio XX originally built the fort yet by AD 57 the legion occupied the fort which proved to be a key site in the conquest of the Silures of south Wales. 

Didius is accused of being rather inactive during his tenure, with the ongoing conquest of the troublesome Britons becoming a frustration to Rome. Didius may have been following instructions from Claudius who began to doubt whether further conquest in the difficult terrain in Wales and the North was worth the risk. In AD 54 when Claudius died, Nero, the new emperor is said to have considered abandoning the province of Britannia entirely. Didius returned to Rome after five years as governor of the Province to be replaced by Quintus Veranius Nepos in AD 57. The new governor immediately reversed Didius’s policy of maintaining existing territory and resumed military operations against the Silures.

Veranius’s tenure was short, he died later that year, and was replaced as Governor by Gaius Seutonius Paulinus in AD 58. Paulinus continued the campaign against the Silures with relatively quick results. He then turned his attention to what he considered to be at the heart of the Briton’s resistance to Rome; Mona (Anglesey) the island home of the Druids, the leaders of Celtic religion. 

Boudicca and the Druids
In AD 60 Paulinus led a force of around 20,000 soldiers, consisting of Legio XIV Gemina, a division of Legio XX with a similar number of auxiliaries to attack and destroy the seat of the Druids at Mona. This was likely a division from Legio XX on battle orders with the remainder of the legion remaining stationed at their parent fort. 

The historians Tacitus and Cassius Dio, our only sources for this event, tell us that Legio XX were in Mona supporting the Roman governor Paulinus on a mission to exterminate the Druids who had been influencing the Celtic tribes of Britain. Paulinus was also intent on destroying the Druids' sacred groves and temples on the island but he had to abandon his conquest of Mona to take the legions south to deal with a rebellion of the Britons. 

Boudicca

Boudicca, Queen of the Iceni, had protested to the Romans how badly they were treating her kingdom. The Romans gave a brutal response; centurions pillaged the territory, the dead king’s household ransacked, the Queen flogged and her daughters raped. Boudicca’s response was to lead a savage rebellion against the Romans.

Boudicca led her tribal warriors south and besieged the now thriving town at Roman Colchester. As the governor Paulinus was engaged in Mona exterminating Druids, the veterans appealed to the procurator Catus Decianus in London for assistance. Decianus sent 200 poorly equipped Roman soldiers to defend Colchester to little effect. Quintus Petillius Cerialis (Rufus) commander of Legio IX Hispana, brought a division of his troops, probably 2,000 men, south from Lincoln but they were ambushed and annihilated by the wrath of the Iceni Queen. Cerialis fled with his cavalry, leaving his legionaries to suffer the slaughter, and hid in a nearby fort. Seeing the size of the rebellion Decianus fled to Gaul.

After a two-day siege, the destruction of Camulodunum was intense and complete with Colonia Claudia Victricensis burnt to the ground. Archaeologists refer to the ‘Boudiccan destruction layer’ as evidence of a widespread fire. The Iceni and Trinovantes then headed south to Londinium (London) before turning northwards to Verulamium (St Albans) where the destruction continued. Boudicca then turned her Celtic rebel army north to engage the Roman legions coming south from Mona for the final battle somewhere near the meeting place of the Roman roads Fosse Way and Watling Street. The Roman war machine was absolutely brutal in ensuring that this did not become a repeat of the Teutoburg Forest disaster.

The Trinovantes joined Boudica’s rebellion which now numbered as many as 230,000 Britons according to Dio, which is certainly an exaggeration although it was clearly a sizeable force. Modern estimates gauge the strength of the Britons at around 100,000 Iceni and Trinovantes joined by groups of other Celtic tribes and around 12,000 Romans consisting of Legio XIV Gemina and divisions from two other legions including Legio XX, plus several thousand auxiliaries and cavalry.

On shear strength of numbers the Britons should destroyed the much smaller Roman force, then British history may have been totally different. But as we know it was not to be.

Paulinus called upon Legio II Augusta at Isca Dumnoniorum (Exter) to join his force but the legion under acting-commander Poenius Postumus, the praefectus castorum, failed to respond and kept the legion safely in the south away from the action. Postumus clearly expected the Romans to fall and was ready for a speedy exit from the Province. But the disorganised Britons proved to be no match for the well-disciplined and better armed Roman forces. Having brought shame on Legio II Postumus committed suicide.

Boudicca's rebellion

The battle site where the Iceni were slaughtered by the Romans has never been positively identified but Mancetter near Atherstone on the modern A5 road, roughly following the line of the Watling Street, is favoured. Tacitus writes that 80,000 Britons and just 400 Romans were killed in the battle. According to Tacitus Boudicca poisoned herself rather than face the humiliation of being taken captive by the Romans. The rebellion was over.

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The cognomina of Legio XX
It is often said that both Legio XX and Legio XIV Gemina were awarded honorific titles for their courageous behaviour in the Boudiccan campaign; it is generally accepted from this point on Legio XX used the cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ (Valiant and Victorious) and XIV Gemina ‘Martia Victrix’ (Warlike and Victorious). Therefore the date of the Boudiccan rebellion AD 60-61 is assumed as the dating horizon for the honorific titles as we have seen with the epigraphic evidence at Colchester and Kingsholm. However, it should be noted that no ancient writer explains when or why these titles were awarded to Legio XX.

Tomlin ponders if the whole legion of Legio XX would have been awarded a honorific title for their part in quelling the Boudiccan Revolt as they only supplied a division whereas a full legion was provided by Legio XIV Gemina who accordingly did the bulk of the fighting at the battle of Watling Street. If Legio XX were not awarded the title for the Boudiccan campaign, as Tomlin questions, when did they receive it?

There are inscriptions to Legio XX in Illyricum where they fought in the Great Illyrian Revolt from AD 6 to AD 9 but none use the cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’. We find three inscriptions which honour officers of Legio XX known to have served in Britain prior to AD 61 where the cognomina are also absent, whereas there are over fifty inscriptions to Legio XX from the 2nd and 3rd centuries, of which all but four contain the cognomina.

The cognomia does not appear to have been awarded early in the 1st century and there is a lack of evidence to confirm it was awarded to Legio XX after the Boudiccan Revolt. Was there a later event that would warrant such an award? Tomlin puts forward the suggestion that the cognomina ‘Valeria Victrix’ may have awarded after Legio XX distinguished itself for the campaign in Scotland under Agricola from AD 79, culminating in the Battle of Mons Graupius in AD 83. This is a distinct possibility, yet we must conclude that the current evidence does not allow us to determine the first instance of ‘Valeria Victrix’.

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Aftermath: Ravaged with Fire and Sword
The consequences of the Boudiccan revolt proved to be devastating for the Iceni. Nero immediately sent a further 2,000 legionaries with 1,000 cavalry and auxiliaries to replace the Roman losses and aid Paulinus in recovering the Province.

Paulinus was determined to carry out harsh reprisals against the Iceni and their allies. Many of the rebellious Britons that had supported Boudicca were put to the sword, their homes burned and crops destroyed. So effective was the retribution of the Romans that the homelands of the Iceni in Norfolk remained derelict and deserted for many years.

Concerned that this ruthless retribution had gone too far and would only lead to continued hostilities with the native Britons Paulinus was recalled by Emperor Nero in AD 62 and replaced by Publius Petronius Turpilianus. Taking a more conciliatory approach, the new governor’s aim was to stabilize the region and prevent further uprisings, consequently Petronius carried out few military operations. A year later Petronius was replaced by Marcus Trebellius Maximus.

The New Frontier
It is thought that Legio XX was involved with the defeat of Caratacus and the Ordovices in AD 51. The Iron Age hillfort at Caer Caradoc near Church Stretton in Shropshire is traditionally claimed as the site of Caratacus’s last stand. However, he managed to evade capture and headed north to the land of the Brigantes. It is often assumed that Legio XX was withdrawn from Usk and posted to Viroconium (Wroxeter, Shropshire) taking possession of the fortress from Legio XIV Gemina which had been withdrawn from Britain in AD 68. Wroxeter would have been the perfect base to pursue the Ordovices in mid-Wales.  

However, there is little direct evidence to support the presence of Legio XX at Wroxeter; it has been suggested that the legion may have been at Gloucester from AD 67 to AD 75. As noted above the movement of Legio XX once it left Colchester is poorly documented at this time and apart from involvement in the Boudiccan Revolt we know little for certain of their exact whereabouts.

Even so, it is generally accepted that the Roman presence at Gloucester was probably maintained by Legio II Augusta, transferred up from Isca Dumnoniorum (Exeter) who may have constructed the new legionary fortress at Glevum (Gloucester) replacing the smaller vexillation fort nearby at Kingsholm.

With the possible movement of Legio XX to Wroxeter the fort at Usk (Burrium) had been totally evacuated, and probably demolished, by AD 69 with construction of a new legionary fortress commenced at  Isca Silurum (Caerleon) about 7 miles further downstream. Usk was liable to frequent flooding and not accessible by boat. The new fortress at Caerleon was sited where the river was navigable. It is of course possible that Legio XX had spent the period AD 67 – AD 75 building the new fortress at Caerleon, but again we lack firm evidence for this.

Caerleon legionary fortress

On completion of the new fortress Legio II Augusta were transferred to Caerleon which remained as the legion’s headquarters until the 4th century. With Legio II Augusta firmly established at Caerleon the Roman fort at Glevum become a "colonia" of retired legionaries as Colonia Nervia Glevensium by AD 97.

Appointed as governor of Britain in AD 63, Trebellius continued the policy of consolidation taken by Petronius avoiding expansion of Roman territory. He continued the Romanisation of Britain and set about repairing the destruction caused by the Boudiccan revolt at Colchester and London. Five years later we can only assume that the province was relatively peaceful and sufficiently secure to permit the withdrawal of Legio XIV Gemina from Britain by the emperor Nero in AD 68 who considered the legion the best he had. Nero had plans for them in an eastern campaign but owing to his death the legion remained in the Balkans.

The Balkerne Gate, Colchester

The remaining British legions became restless with the lack of activity and sure enough mutinies followed. Lacking military experience Trebellius was unable to restore discipline in the legions and soon came into conflict with Marcus Roscius Coelius, commander of Legio XX.

The Year of the Four Emperors
With the death of Nero in AD 68 the Julio-Claudian dynasty ended. Chaos ensued in the following year; The Year of the Four Emperors, the first civil war of the Roman Empire which would see four different individuals proclaimed as emperor.

Following Nero's suicide after being declared a public enemy by the Senate, Galba was appointed Emperor. Galba quickly fell out of favour and was assassinated by Marcus Salvius Otho with the assistance of the Praetorian Guard. Otho's reign was also turned out to be brief after he was challenged by Aulus Vitellius, governor of the province of Germania Inferior. Vitellius and the legions of the Rhine with others marched on Rome. Otho was supported by the legions of the Balkans including Legio XIV Gemina. The rival armies met near Cremona in Italy in the First Battle of Bedriacum with Vitellius triumphant. Legio XIV Gemina declared they had not been defeated as the main body arrived too late for the battle; to prevent any threat of further rebellion Vitellius sent the legion back to Britain where they remained for the rest of the civil war. Vitellius continued to march on Rome and was declared Emperor by the Senate. 

Meanwhile back in Britain the turmoil presented Roscius with opportunity to rebel against the British Governor Trebellius who then quickly fled to the continent. Roscius supported Vitellius and had sent units from Legio XX to fight for him as had the other legions in Britain. Roscius the most powerful of the legionary commanders now effectively governed Britain until Vitellius, now emperor, sent Marcus Vettius Bolanus as the new governor in AD 69, who must have arrived in Britain around the same time as Legio XIV Gemina. Roscius remained in post even after the arrival of the new governor.

Vitellius’s position as emperor was not accepted by all, notably Titus Flavius Vespasian, the governor of Judaea, who had the support of the legions in the eastern provinces. Vespasian marched on Rome and emerged victorious ending Vitellius’s eight month reign. By the end of AD 69, Vespasian, who had earlier distinguished himself by leading Legio II Augusta in the invasion of Britain, established himself as emperor marking the beginning of the Flavian Dynasty and bringing stability back to the empire. Roscius and Legio XX being among the last to swear allegiance to Vespasian.

Titus Flavius Vespasian

In AD 70 Vespasian replaced Roscius the treacherous commander of Legio XX with Gnaeus Julius Agricola. Agricola reimposed discipline on the rebellious legion that had supported Vitellius during the civil war. Agricola began his career as a military tribune having served in Britain under Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, governor of Britain from AD 58-62. During this time Agricola almost certainly took part in the attack on the Druids of Mona and the suppression of the Boudiccan Revolt in AD 60-61. 

Bolanus remained as governor, reclaiming some of the territory lost in the revolt. In the same year Vespasian sent Legio XIV Gemina back across the Channel to form an army under Quintus Petillius Cerialis (formerly commander of Legio IX Hispana during the Boudiccan Revolt) to deal with a Batavian rebellion led by Julius Civilis who was attacking the garrisons on the Rhine. Cerialis was Vespasian’s son-in-law and had been taken hostage by Vitellius during the civil war. He escaped and joined the army that took Rome for Vespasian.

Vespasian rewarded Cerialis’s loyalty and success in Germania by appointing him as governor of Britain in AD 71, replacing Bolanus. Cerialis brought Legio II Adiutrix with him to Britain where he was closely supported by Agricola, commander of Legio XX.

Tacitus attributes the unrest within the British legions to their troops having too much time on their hands while being under-utilised by governors Petronius and Trebillius. The northern frontier had been consolidated at a line roughly from the River Dee to the Humber estuary in the east. Cerialis and Agricola would form a successful partnership that would result in expansion of the Roman occupation deep into the north of Britain.

Sources:
Simon Elliott, Agricola in Scotland, Pen & Sword Military, 2025.
Nic Fields, Boudicca’s Rebellion AD 60–61, Osprey, 2011.
Stephen James Malone, Legio XX Valeria Victrix: Prosopography, archaeology and history, BAR Publishing, 2006.
Robert McPake, A Note on the Cognomina of Legio XX, Britannia, Vol. 12, 1981.
Nigel Pollard & Joanne Berry, The Complete Roman Legions, Thames & Hudson, 2015 (Reprint edition 2024).
I.A. Richmond and R.P. Wright, The Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, Chester Archaeological Society, 1955.
RSO Tomlin, The Twentieth Legion at Wroxeter and Carlisle in the First Century: The Epigraphic Evidence, Britannia, Vol. 23, 1992.
Graham Webster, the Roman Invasion of Britain, Routledge, revised edition 2003.
Graham Webster, A Short Guide to the Roman Inscriptions & Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum Chester, Grosvenor Pubication, 1970. 

- Edited 05/11/25

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The Roman Tombstones at Chester: A Closer Look

In a previous post 'Walking Chester City Walls Part 1: Eastgate to the Racecourse' it was noted that a large number of Roman tombstones had been re-used in repairs to the northern section of the Chester City Walls. On closer examination it is apparent that these funerary stones had not just been ripped out of a local Roman cemetery for building material but they had been defaced and mutilated with many of the inscriptions obliterated.

Discovery
During repairs to a section of the lower course of the Chester City Walls in 1883 near Morgan’s Mount, about halfway between the Northgate and the Water Tower, pieces of Roman masonry, one clearly a tombstone, were discovered among the fill of the wall. Further repair work between Northgate and the King Charles Tower in 1887 uncovered a substantial amount of Roman masonry, much again from funerary monuments, which has been used to repair the lower courses of the wall.

Roman masonry on the lower courses of the North Wall

In addition to the inscriptions there were also many sculptured panels which had once adorned funerary monuments. These stones must have come from a cemetery outside the fortress walls as Roman law did not permit burial within built up areas. Many Roman cemeteries are found alongside roads outside cities and fortresses.

The finds were so numerous that between 1890 and 1892 Chester Archaeological Society was called in to investigate the wall by Northgate. More than 150 stones were found from the three investigations of 1883, 1887 and the 1890-92. The tombstones had been used as the infill during repairs to the fortress wall at some point in the distant past.

Many of the tombstones commemorated members of Legio XX that had passed while at Chester, the permanent station of the legion. The collection demonstrates the extraordinary diversity in the Roman Army with soldiers being drawn from all corners of the Roman Empire. 

At the time of their discovery these stones were considered to have been robbed from the Roman cemetery during the reconstruction of the walls during the Medieval period, however, the lack of erosion from long-term weathering on most of the stones indicates they were not exposed to the elements for an excessive period; consequently an earlier date is preferred.

Further to this repair work to the city walls in the late-19th century, Professor Newstead carried out excavations at the Deanery Field within the north east corner of the city walls just beyond Chester Cathedral in the 1920’s and 30’s and uncovered Roman barrack blocks and associated buildings. However, a length of wall along the Deanery Field remains undisturbed and almost certainly contains many more inscribed stones.

The numbering system used here refers to ‘The Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester’ by I.A. Richmond and R.P. Wright.1 Where appropriate the catalogue number of the Roman Inscriptions of Britain (RIB) Online has also been provided for cross reference. The RIB database includes thousands of Roman inscriptions based on the work of authoritative experts in the field such as R.G. Collingwood, R.P. Wright and R.S.O. Tomlin to name just three. (Search RIB for: “Chester (Deva) North Wall”).

To the Spirits of the Departed
The collection contains altar stones; dedications to buildings; official proprietary marks (legionary stamps); graffiti (scratched and scribbles to mark a person’s ownership of a particular item). But by far the majority of stones from the north wall were Roman tombstones and it is these that form the bulk of the assemblage in the Grosvenor Museum, claimed to be the finest collection of sepulchral monuments in Britain. The Grosvenor collection includes other stones found in Chester, such as the original altar stone dedicated to Nemesis found in the amphitheatre (a copy is currently displayed at the amphitheatre). 

Stone 108

Graham Webster2 describes Stone 108 as one of the best preserved tombstones in the collection. It is one of many stones that depict, presumably, the deceased reclining on a couch eating and drinking, as was the Roman way, at a funeral banquet, or perhaps relaxing at an afterlife feast. Webster suggests that the Romans may have adopted the concept of ancestor worship at a feast of the dead from the Etruscans. A three legged stool is often present on Sepulchral Banquet sculptures, yet the significance of this item is unknown.

Stone 108 is inscribed: “To the spirits of the departed, Curatia Dinysia lived 40 years; her heir had this erected.” [RIB 562] It is suggested that ‘Dinysia’ may be a mason’s error for Dionysia.

The framed sculpture shows two opposed Tritons blowing shell-trumpets across the sea raising waves in allusion to the after-life voyage to the Isles of the Blest. A pair of Doves are perched below this. Below them, the deceased reclines on a high-backed couch with a cup raised in her right hand.  In front of the couch is positioned a three-legged stool. The head has been defaced to render the lady unrecognisable. 

For many centuries it was very popular to decorate Roman sarcophagi with mythological scenes and we see examples of this among the Chester collection. Stone 138, part of a cornerstone of a large monument, depicts the story of Hercules and the Trojan princess Hesione. The princess is bound to a rock awaiting the arrival of a sea monster to which she has been offered in sacrifice. The part of the stone showing the monster has been broken off. The tale is from an old folk story similar to that of Perseus and Andromeda. 

Stone 139 features the tale of Actaeon who became separated from his companions while out hunting and stopped at a lake to rest when he saw Artemis bathing. Outraged, the goddess turned him into a stag and he was then hunted by his companions and torn to pieces by his own hounds. The stone shows stag’s horns starting to grow out of Actaeon’s head.

Another, Stone 140, is thought to represent the death of Adonis who was killed by a boar during a hunt. Prosperine restored him back to life on the condition that he spent six months of the year in the underworld. Stone 141 shows the Harpy, the human-headed bird of ill omen, symbolic of death.

Mythical imagery started to appear on Roman sarcophagi from he Hadrianic period (117-136 AD) reaching a peak in the later-2nd century AD with entirely decorated panels becoming increasingly popular. Then in a major change in funerary monument decoration from the mid-3rd century AD mythological imagery largely disappeared.

The Grosvenor collection holds thirteen stones commentating soldiers of Legio II Adiutrix that was stationed at Chester from AD 75 until AD 87 when they were replaced by Legio XX. Stone 23 is one such stone and reads: “Gaius Calventius Celer, son of Gaius, of the Claudian voting-tribe, from Aprus, soldier of the Second Legion Adjutrix Pia Fidelis, in the century of Vibius Clemens …. ” [RIB 475] The inscription continues but the stone is broken off at this point.

Stone 36 was set up in honour of the highest ranking officer commemorated in the collection, a praefectus castorum, camp prefect, who was responsible for the administration and supplies of the legion but would be acting commander in the absence of the legatus legionis, the officer in command of a legion, equivalent to a high ranking general today. This stone had been used as a facing stone in the eastern part of the North Wall but with the inscription turned inwards which reads:

“To the spirits of the departed, Marcus Aurelius Alexander, camp-prefect of the Twentieth Legion Valeria Victrix, a Syrian tribesman of Osroene, lived 72 years [… ; …]yces and S[…, his heirs, set this up].” [RIB 490]. 

This stone is badly mutilated, one of the most damaged in the collection, and the remaining inscription which would have referred to his heirs who erected the stone has been broken off. The RIB online page suggests that his death cannot have occurred before Caracalla’s reign AD 198-217. The elder son of Emperor Septimius Severus known by his nickname as 'Caracalla', was actually born Lucius Septimius Bassianus, but when he was 7 years old his name was changed to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus to create an association with the previous Antonine dynasty. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Emperor AD 161 to 180, is regarded as the last of the "Five Good Emperors" of Rome, the last emperor of the Pax Romana. Caracalla’s successor Elagabalus, also a nickname, original name by birth was Sextus Varius Avitus Bassianus, but he also changed this to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus on becoming emperor in AD 218.

In AD 212 Caracalla issued an edict, the Constitutio Antoniniana, that declared that all free men in the Roman Empire were to be given full Roman citizenship. Prior to this full Roman citizenship was limited to inhabitants of Roman Italy, Romans and their descendants living in provinces throughout the Empire, and small numbers of client kings and their nobles. As a result of Caracalla’s edict large numbers of new Roman citizens assumed the name 'Marcus Aurelius', in honour of their patron (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus), including, after Caracalla and Elagabalus, nine Roman emperors over the next century; from Severus Alexander (r. AD 222-235) to Maxentius (r. AD 306–312). 

Stone 37 commemorates Marcus Aurelius Nepos, a centurion of Legio XX which has been broken horizontally through the figures. [RIB 491]. It follows that Stones 36 and 37 must have been erected after Caracalla’s edict as they both use the name Marcus Aurelius.

Dating the Tombstones
One of the Chester tombstones that continues to receive much attention, designated Stone 137 depicts a cavalryman said to be wearing scale armour and holding a draco, known as the Chester Draconarius, and although it bears no inscription being broken at this point, it is considered by many to be a Sarmatian cavalryman. 

Stone 137 - The Chester Draconarius

It follows that Stone 137 must post-date AD 175 when according to the historian Cassius Dio Emperor Marcus Aurelius sent 5,500 Sarmatians to Britain, beyond that with no inscription we have no further information suggestive of dating for this particular tombstone. Consequently, the Chester Draconarius is often cited as evidence for the presence of Sarmatian cavalry in Britain. Yet there is certainly a distinct lack of evidence for these fifty-five hundred Sarmatians in Britain. And we cannot positively rule out the possibility of the cavalryman being a Dacian auxiliary; we know that the ‘Cohors I Aelia Dacorum’, a Dacian infantry unit, raised by Hadrian no later then AD 125, was stationed for almost its entire history on Hadrian's Wall. Furthermore, a military diploma from Chester (Deva) dated AD 146 lists the 1st Aelian Cohort of Dacians which has led to speculation that a Dacian unit was stationed at Chester for a period, and the Draconarius died while on detachment. We will return to the Chester Draconarius at a later point.

Webster notes that Stone 77 is of considerable archaeological significance in providing a date for the rebuilding of the north wall of the Chester fortress. This stone, designated RIB 488 commemorates Gabinius Felix a soldier from Legio II Augusta which was stationed at Caerleon in South Wales. We can only guess at the reason for Gabinius being at Chester away from his legion when he died. After the name of the legion the letters “ANT” appear on his tombstone. Experts in Roman inscriptions have identified these three letters as standing for ‘Antoninana’ a title bestowed on Legio XX by either Caracalla (Marcus Aurelius Antoninus) or Elagabus, who took the same name as his predecessor. This suffix was used only between AD 213 and 222. Legions were frequently awarded titles following successful campaigns. Legio XX was awarded the titles ‘Valeria Victrix’ likely following the legion’s part in the Boudican revolt of AD 61. Then after participating in the northern campaign of Septimus Severus during 208-2011, on their return to Chester Legio XX was awarded the temporary title ‘Antoninana’ by Severus’s son Caracalla (r.AD 211-217) or his successor Elagabalus (r.AD 218-222).

It follows therefore that Felix died and the erection of his tombstone (Stone 77) occurred between AD 213 and 222. We have also seen that the Chester Draconarius (Stone 137), IF the stone depicts a Samartian, then must be dated after AD 175 when they first arrived in Britain. Stone 36 and Stone 37 both commemorate individuals named Marcus Aurelius and must date to after Caracalla’s edict of AD 212. From this very limited snapshot of the Chester tombstones we can see that the cemetery was still in use in the first half of the 3rd century. But when did the cemetery become redundant and the tombstones ripped out?

No One is Immortal
The ancient and widespread practice of ‘Spoliation’ (from the Latin for 'spoils') was particularly frequent in Late Antiquity in Italy and the Roman West. The phenomenon of tomb destruction for the re-use of Roman funerary art, particularly their marble décor, for other building purposes was a common form of spolia. Entire redundant structures were known to have been comprehensively demolished and the materials re-used in the construction of new buildings. Highly decorated funerary monuments particularly those constructed in marble where highly valued and desirable objects for recycling in later construction projects. Tomb destruction had become such a problem that by the 4th century AD that edicts were issued by emperors to halt the practice.

We only need to look as far as the late Roman city walls of London for further examples of spoliation and particularly the re-use of funerary monuments. Major sections of London’s Roman walls incorporate recycled material in the foundation layers. Elements from a monumental arch and a decorated screen have also been found within the walls. Funerary monuments have been found within the external towers. However, the lack of contemporary funerary objects found indicates that none of the tombs from which this material was sourced are contemporary with the construction of the wall; the builders appear to have purposefully avoided dismantling recently erected funerary monuments. This suggests that only redundant funerary stones were used, thereby respecting the recently departed.3

We may well wonder, at what point does a cemetery and its tombstones, set to commemorate the departed, become redundant?

The tombstones, ripped out from a Roman cemetery outside the fortress at Chester, have clearly been used to repair the defensive wall. The engineers, presumably legionaries, must have taken any large stone available at the time, perhaps the funerary stones were nearest to the construction site, indicating that the repairs were hurried, possibly following a barbarian attack.

However, the treatment of the funerary stones at Chester shows that they were not just simply re-used, they have been defaced and mutilated, inscriptions removed or obliterated; without words memorial stones become totally meaningless. We have seen above how Stone 36 commemorating the praefectus castorum, one of the highest ranking officers of the legion, is one of the most damaged in the collection having been severely mutilated. The tombstones were not just re-used, they were defaced, mutilated and inscriptions obliterated. This is suggestive that memorials to Legio XX were held in contempt at the time they were ripped out of the cemetery and used to repair the north wall. 

The destructive treatment of the tombstones of Legio XX immediately brings to mind the Roman practice of ‘Damnatio memoriae’ (condemnation of memory), the erasure of the subject from the historical record including the destruction of depictions and the removal of names from inscriptions and documents. The practice was usually exercised for usurping emperors or failed conspirators. 

The Severan Tondo

An example of damnatio memoriae can be seen on The Severan Tondo, a panel painting depicting the first two generations of the Severan dynasty; Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna, and their sons Caracalla and Geta. Severus intended for his sons to rule togther after his death but when he died at York in February AD 211 they showed they were incapable of ruling as joint emperors and Geta was murdered in December that year. Caracalla ordered the damnatio memoriae of Geta. The Tondo shows the face of one of Severus' sons, thought to be Geta, that has been erased as a result of the damnatio memoriae. As we saw above, the head on Stone 108 has been defaced.

If the memory of Legio XX at Chester has been deliberately obliterated can we identify when the legion fell from grace? 

Webster notes that the amount of weathering on Stone 77 indicates it remained exposed to the elements for a reasonable but not excessive period and would not have been used in the rebuilding of Chester north wall until probably the late-3rd or early-4th century, the period of reconstruction of Constantius Chlorus.

What happened to Legio XX?

Notes & References:
1. I.A. Richmond and R.P. Wright, The Catalogue of the Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, Chester Archaeological Society, 1955.
2. Graham Webster, A Short Guide to the Roman Inscriptions & Sculptured Stones in the Grosvenor Museum Chester, Grosvenor Pubication, 1970.
3. Re-use of Roman stone in London city walls, Simon Barker, Penny Coombe & Simona Perna, pp.327-348, in Proceedings of the International conference ‘Roman ornamental stones in north-western Europe. Natural resources, manufacturing, supply, life & after-life’, Gallo-Roman Museum of Tongeren (Belgium), 20-22 April 2016. Edited by Catherine Coquelet, Guido Creemers, Roland Dreesen and Éric Goemaere.

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